Through the contributions made by the concept of intersectionality, this paper delves into the issue of the access to rights and the exercise of citizenship of immigrant women in the Greater Buenos Aires Area (primarily in the municipality of Florencio Varela). Within this framework, variables such as class, gender, and ethnicity play a key role in understanding the processes of political participation in which they are involved. In this context, the work on territory focused on migrant women as a political subject. Likewise, on that basis, it was focused on migrant women in their struggle for access to land. To that end, a qualitative methodological approach was carried out. Field work included in-depth interviews as well as participant observation.
Abstract The purpose of this reflection is to draw attention to the effects that recent political transformations have produced on people's subjectivity by observing clues to how these events are inscribed in daily relations. We approach both those who feel affected by or vulnerable to escalating discourses and practices of sexist, racist, homophobic and class violence, and others who have in some way adhered to conservative and exclusionary discourse. We are directly interested in the subjects, many of whom are devastated, who in their efforts, amazement, and negotiations interest us, not specifically the events to which we refer. As will be noted, the category "suffering" is central to this debate.
: Chantal Montellier, key author of feminism in comics not only in the FrancoBelgian tradition but worldwide, has a long and coherent career as a committed author, which goes beyond her position in terms of her graphic discourse and has led her to participate in different unique initiatives. Indeed, Chantal Montellier participated in the unparalleled creation of the magazine Ah! Nana, the first and ephemeral feminist comics magazine in France in the 1970s. Montellier is also one of the founders of the Association Artémisia, the first association working spreading the comics created by women existing in Europe, which has become the source of inspiration for similar experiences in other countries. In this article we will review Montellier's artistic career and her political and feminist commitment, the unique experience of Ah! Nana and her links with the discourse of radical feminism, and we will look for the heirs of both in the current comics, in the figures of the Swedish Liv Strömquist and Germany's Ulli Lust. ; Chantal Montellier, autora clave del feminismo en el cómic no solo francobelga sino que también europeo y mundial, tiene una trayectoria extensa y coherente como autora comprometida, que va más allá de su posicionamiento en cuanto a su discurso gráfico y que la ha conducido a participar en diferentes iniciativas únicas. En efecto, Chantal Montellier participó en la creación sin parangón de la revista Ah!nana, primera y efímera revista de cómic feminista en Francia en la década de los 70. Montellier es, además, una de las fundadoras de la Association Artémisia, la primera asociación de difusión del cómic creado por mujeres existente en Europa, la cual se ha convertido en la fuente de inspiración de experiencias similares en otros países. En este artículo recorreremos la trayectoria artística de Montellier y su compromiso político y feminista, la experiencia única de Ah!nana y sus vínculos con el discurso del feminismo radical y buscaremos a las herederas de ambos en el cómic actual, en las figuras de la sueca Liv Strömquist y la alemana Ulli Lust. ; Chantal Montellier, autora fundamental do feminismo na banda desenhada, não apenas franco-belga, mas também europeia e global, tem uma carreira longa e coerente como autora comprometida, que vai além da sua posição em termos do seu discurso gráfico e que a levou a participar em diferentes iniciativas excepcionais. De fato, Chantal Montellier participou na criação da incomparável revista Ah!nana, a primeira e efêmera revista feminista de banda desenhada da França na década de 1970. Montellier também é uma das fundadoras da Association Artémisia (Associação Artemísia), a primeira associação para a difusão da banda desenhada criada por mulheres na Europa, que se tornou fonte de inspiração para experiências semelhantes em outros países. Neste artigo, revisamos o percurso artístico de Montellier e o seu compromisso político e feminista, a experiência única de Ah!nana e os seus vínculos com o discurso do feminismo radical e procuramos as herdeiras de ambos os dois na atual história da banda desenhada, nas personalidades da sueca Liv Strömquist e da alemã Ulli Lust.
¿Cómo pensamos sobre las desigualdades múltiples y la interseccionalidad? ¿qué imágenes o metáforas pueden ayudar a entender la organización y las relaciones entre diferentes de-sigualdades? Usando una mirada histórica, exploraré los conceptos de la simultaneidad, la encrucijada, la discriminación múltiple, las categorías en relación, el agenciamiento y los ensamblajes. Me propongo mostrar mi práctica política y pedagógica sobre la intersecciona-lidad, mostrando algunas de las preguntas frecuentes que surgen. Es relevante señalar que no se trata tanto de dar cuenta de la diversidad de la ciudadanía, como de evidenciar que existen vivencias que pueden ser señaladas como "abyectas", o "pertenecientes a los már-genes", o "disidentes". Al mismo tiempo, supone la existencia de unos privilegios, así como también son relevantes las posibilidades de agencia y empoderamiento de los sujetos. ; How can we think of multiple inequalities and intersectionality? What images or metaphors can facilitate our understandings of how inequalities are organized and how they relate to one another? Based in a historical approach, I explore concepts such as: simultaneity, crossroads, multiple discrimination, categories in relation and assemblages. In this article, I face the task of showing my own political and pedagogical practices in regards to inter-sectionality, presenting some of the most frequent questions that emerge. It is also rele-vant that intersectionality is not just about describing the diversity of citizens, but rather, evidence that some citizens live experiences that can be labeled as 'abject', 'belonging to the margins' or 'dissident'. At the same time, intersectionality implies the existence of some privileges, as well as agency and empowerment.
En este artículo abordo las relaciones que se establecen entre identidades de género y clases sociales. Desdeperspectivas de la interseccionalidad, el materialismo histórico y el feminismo, analizo, de manera relacional, lasexperiencias de clase social, de trabajo y de participación política de personas con identidades trans femeninas enla ciudad de Bogotá. Este texto busca evidenciar la necesidad de desarrollar análisis sobre género y sexualidad, vinculadossiempre a otras categorías, a otras formas de organización de la diferencia y la desigualdad, como la clasesocial, la etnia, la raza y la geopolítica. ; In this article I address the relationships between gender identities and social classes. From intersectionality, historical materialism and feminism, I analyze from a relational perspective, the experiences of social class, labor and political participation of people with female trans identities in Bogota. This text seeks to highlight the need to develop analysis on gender and sexuality, always linked to other categories, other forms of organization of difference and inequality such as social class, ethnicity, race and geopolitics.
In this article I address the relationships between gender identities and social classes. From intersectionality, historical materialism and feminism, I analyze from a relational perspective, the experiences of social class, labor and political participation of people with female trans identities in Bogota. This text seeks to highlight the need to develop analysis on gender and sexuality, always linked to other categories, other forms of organization of difference and inequality such as social class, ethnicity, race and geopolitics. ; En este artículo abordo las relaciones que se establecen entre identidades de género y clases sociales. Desdeperspectivas de la interseccionalidad, el materialismo histórico y el feminismo, analizo, de manera relacional, lasexperiencias de clase social, de trabajo y de participación política de personas con identidades trans femeninas enla ciudad de Bogotá. Este texto busca evidenciar la necesidad de desarrollar análisis sobre género y sexualidad, vinculadossiempre a otras categorías, a otras formas de organización de la diferencia y la desigualdad, como la clasesocial, la etnia, la raza y la geopolítica.
Este trabajo busca reflexionar respecto a la sugerente literatura de Ena Lucía Portela y la posibilidad de analizar sus textos desde una perspectiva de los estudios cuir/cuy(r)/queer. Para ello, a partir del relato "En vísperas del accidente" se explora cuál es la comprensión de la autora sobre de la teoría queer mainstream y su impacto en la literatura; pero, sobre todo, cómo sus personajes, sujetos sexualmente diversos, se ubican en el tráfico global de las políticas identitarias, problematizando el aterrizaje queer en el tercer mundo. Para ello, y desde la intersección de los estudios pos/decoloniales y las teorías de género, este artículo explora, dentro de la narrativa de la autora cubana, algunos entendimientos, desentendimientos y sobre-entendimientos que ocurren al momento de traducir semántica y culturalmente "lo queer" en América Latina y que, por tanto, permiten ver su pertinencia en la región. ; This paper aims to analyze Ena Lucía Portela's suggestive literature and the possibilities to examine her texts from a cuir/cuy(r)/queer perspective. Through the short story "En vísperas del accidente", the author's understanding of mainstream queer theory and its impact on her literary process is explored. But, also, how her characters, sexually diverse subjects, locate themselves in the global traffic of identity politics, which allows discussing the landing of queer theory in the Third World. The intersection of post/decolonial theories with gender studies is the focal point from which some understandings, misunderstandings, and tacit understandings are evaluated in the narrative of the Cuban author, while translating (semantically and culturally) "lo queer" in Latin America.
The work proposes an approach to the action of militant organizations of afrodescendant women in Latin America in the frawork of the Decade of Afrodescendant, and their position on the outstanding debts of the states in relation to the situation of this population u¡in the countries of the region, especially women. It sets out the main demands of the political agenda of the black women´s movement in order to addressthe gaps of the inequality, poverty and the postponement of social rights, which disable this from human group for exercising full citizenship. It develops the efforts to afro militants in the generation of strategic alliances at the institutional level and with other civil organizations to promote social measures and government laws with a racial and gender perspective. ; El trabajo propone un acercamiento a la actuación de las organizaciones militantes de mujeres afrodescendientes en Latinoamérica en el marco del Decenio de los(as) afrodescendientes, y su postura frente a las deudas pendientes de los Estados ante la situación de esta población en los países de la región, en especial de las mujeres. Expone las principales demandas de la agenda política del movimiento de mujeres negras para dar solución a las brechas de desigualdad, pobreza y postergación de derechos sociales, que inhabilitan el ejercicio de ciudadanía plena a este grupo humano. Desarrolla las gestiones de las afro militantes en la generación de alianzas estratégicas a nivel institucional y con otras organizaciones civiles para el impulso de medidas sociales y leyes gubernamentales con una perspectiva racial y de género. ; O trabalho propõe uma aproximação com as ações de organizações militantes de ascendência africana na América Latina, no âmbito da Década dos Afrodescendentes, e a sua posição sobre as dívidas pendentes dos Estados face à situação desta população nos países da região, especialmente mulheres. Estabelece as principais exigências da agenda política do movimento das mulheres negras para colmatar as lacunas das desigualdades, da pobreza e do adiamento dos direitos sociais, que incapacitam o exercício de uma cidadania plena a este grupo humano. Desenvolve os esforços dos afro-militantes na geração de alianças estratégicas a nível institucional e com outras organizações civis para promover medidas sociais e leis governamentais com uma perspetiva racial e de género.
Este trabajo busca reflexionar respecto a la sugerente literatura de Ena Lucía Portela y la posibilidad de analizar sus textos desde una perspectiva de los estudios cuir/cuy(r)/queer. Para ello, a partir del relato "En vísperas del accidente" se explora cuál es la comprensión de la autora sobre de la teoría queer mainstream y su impacto en la literatura; pero, sobre todo, cómo sus personajes, sujetos sexualmente diversos, se ubican en el tráfico global de las políticas identitarias, problematizando el aterrizaje queer en el tercer mundo. Para ello, y desde la intersección de los estudios pos/decoloniales y las teorías de género, este artículo explora, dentro de la narrativa de la autora cubana, algunos entendimientos, desentendimientos y sobre-entendimientos que ocurren al momento de traducir semántica y culturalmente "lo queer" en América Latina y que, por tanto, permiten ver su pertinencia en la región. ; This paper aims to analyze Ena Lucía Portela's suggestive literature and the possibilities to examine her texts from a cuir/cuy(r)/queer perspective. Through the short story "En vísperas del accidente", the author's understanding of mainstream queer theory and its impact on her literary process is explored. But, also, how her characters, sexually diverse subjects, locate themselves in the global traffic of identity politics, which allows discussing the landing of queer theory in the Third World. The intersection of post/decolonial theories with gender studies is the focal point from which some understandings, misunderstandings, and tacit understandings are evaluated in the narrative of the Cuban author, while translating (semantically and culturally) "lo queer" in Latin America.
Since 2014 Sweden has had a Feminist Foreign Policy (PEF in Spanish). This concept has been widely used in academic and political circles, without enough progress in its proper definition and delimitation. Scarce theoretical formulations, almost all of them coming from American and/or European academics, fail to provide the improvement of the concept and are limited to a series of minimal characteristics, which are influenced by a liberal and ethnocentric reading of feminism. It allows the notion of PEF to be used to refer to many diverse situations, and to establish, at least symbolically, a sign of equality between cases that have little elements in common; for instance, the foreign policies of Sweden, Canada, and Mexico. This situation is not insignificant, since, on the one hand, it reduces the importance and impact of the proposals that feminism has been developing for decades in the field of international relations theory; and on the other hand, it allows government officials and some intellectuals to appropriate and make superficial use of principles established in the intense struggles that women and other feminized sectors have been involved in for a long time. Faced with this panorama there is a need to conceptualize. It recovers the most transformative elements of the feminist tradition. To this end, we will problematize some theoretical definitions of PEF, and the self-denominated Feminist Foreign Policies currently in existence, showing the notable weaknesses and contradictions that cross them. We then proceed to the elaboration of a definition of PEF that incorporates elements coming from multiple feminisms (radical, decolonial black, indigenous), and that above all adopts explicitly a geographical, cultural, subalternate and counterhegemonic perspective. Likewise, we propose a gradual categorization of those foreign policies that begin to abandon androcentric and cisheteropatriarchal positioning, from the concepts of Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective (PEPG in Spanish), and Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective and Feminist Agenda (PEGAF in Spanish), and whose meanings we shall develop. Although the concept of PEF could be used for naming a foreign policy that gives a complete and uncontradicted account of the postulates upheld by feminism, we believe that it is more appropriate to use other, less comprehensive concepts. In general terms, the PEF corresponds to a liberal and institutional feminist approach, which underestimates other social actors as legitimate interlocutors. Their strategies are based on a gender mainstreaming approach, perfected in international organizations and replicated by various state entities; as such they ignore the ethnic, cultural, religious and socioeconomic particularities of the populations in which they are applied. In them, divergences between the multiple governmental spheres are not unusual. Moreover, even within the Ministries of Foreign Affairs it is possible to identify notorious incongruities between sectors that are, or are not, crossed by the gender perspective. Secondly, we suggest the use of the concept of Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective and Feminist Agenda. Considering that the levels are cumulative, to the previous characterization, we add the importance of substantive representation; the identification and sanctioning of the different forms of violence within and outside national borders; and the need to at least begin to question the heteropatriarchal structures of oppression from a discursive point of view, for which the field of diplomacy is fundamental. This gradually problematizes the meanings and stereotypes disseminated by institutions, understanding that the dispute over women's rights and other sex gender identities must also take place at the symbolic level. In the Swedish case, we understand that it corresponds to what we have called PEGAF. Indeed, Sweden has done important work concerning development assistance, and the financing of international institutions related to the protection of rights and the empowerment of women. Likewise, of all the cases considered, Sweden is the one in which there is the greatest congruence between its foreign policy and its domestic policy, as well as the work that the Nordic country has been carrying out within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to consolidate a gender approach. Even from a discursive point of view, the Swedish authorities have questioned certain characteristics of the international system, and have had diplomatic disputes with some countries based on issues related to the violation of human rights. However, none of the above has been sustained over time, and the back and forth has been constant. There have been notable discrepancies in the commitment to a feminist agenda among the different ministries, and in some areas, such as defense, the transformations have been insignificant. In addition, on many occasions, Sweden has abandoned its commitment to the defense of feminist postulates, when obstacles or risks have arisen in relation to the national interest- as defined in androcentric terms. The conservative turn in immigration matters, or the government's refusal to confront the strategic sector of the arms industry, are evidence of this. Based on the analysis carried out on the case of Canada, we consider that this country can be framed within Foreign Policies with Gender Perspectives (PEPG), since it presents domestic and international antecedents in the work on women's issues. However, the fact that it defines its foreign policy only in one area, such as development assistance, and focuses its empirical work mainly on economic issues, means that it does not achieve the necessary comprehensiveness to place it at the highest level. Likewise, Canada does not make progress in criticizing or questioning, even discursively, the hegemonic global dynamics and institutions, nor does it question its place in the international structure. Finally, evaluating the Mexican case, we ask ourselves: How can we think of a feminist foreign policy when at the domestic level the drug cartels and human trafficking networks continue to exercise their power and violence with total impunity, and in conjunction with broad sectors of politics, justice and the police? How could the Mexican PEF make sense in a country where people continue to "disappear" or become victims of extrajudicial executions within the framework of democracy, most of the time with representatives of the security forces as the ones responsible? In which part of the gender equality plan can we frame the femicides and transfemicides that place Mexico as one of the most dangerous countries to be a woman or dissident of the heteronorma? Regrettably, we consider that the country is not even in a position to aspire to the lowest level described here –that is,the PEPG- since all its current actions (and those of the last decades) are detrimental to the values and principles that the feminist stance upholds. The criticisms raised in the three case studies addressed has sought to identify their weaknesses and to construct more appropriate concepts that would point to the different types of external policies that are currently oriented towards women. Moreover, this would make it possible to define them with an appropriate term that is in line with their real actions and not mere rhetoric. Our work, of course, is not limited to a conceptual correction; but, above all, it tries to generate a concrete contribution for the generation of tools and the definition of public policies that have a positive impact on the life of the communities represented. ; Desde finales del 2014, tras el anuncio de Suecia de embarcarse en una Política Exterior Feminista (PEF), dicho concepto ha sido utilizado de forma amplia en ámbitos académicos y políticos, sin que se haya avanzado en la deconstrucción y delimitación del mismo, desde una mirada plural y crítica del feminismo. Las formulaciones teóricas existentes, provenientes casi todas de académicas/os estadounidenses y/o europeas/os, se limitan a registrar una serie de características mínimas y ambiguas, influenciadas por una lectura liberal y etnocéntrica de los feminismos. Esto permite que se utilice la noción de PEF para nombrar situaciones diversas, y que se establezca, al menos desde lo simbólico, un signo de igualdad entre casos que poco tienen en común; como pueden ser las políticas exteriores de Suecia, Canadá y México. Esta situación no resulta neutral, ya que, por un lado, le quita trascendencia y contundencia a las propuestas que desde hace décadas los feminismos vienen elaborando en materia de teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales; y por el otro, le permite a funcionarios/as, intelectuales y comunicadores/as, apropiarse y hacer un uso superficial de postulados feministas forjados al calor de las intensas luchas que las mujeres, y otros sectores feminizados, vienen llevando a cabo históricamente. Frente a este panorama, resulta necesaria una disputa por el sentido que recupere los elementos más trasformadores de la tradición feminista. El abordaje utilizado en este trabajo es desde las perspectivas feministas críticas en Relaciones Internacionales. Primero, problematizamos algunas definiciones de política exterior feministas que circulan, y analizamos críticamente las autodenominadas políticas exteriores feministas de Suecia, Canadá y México, señalando falencias y contradicciones que las atraviesan. En una segunda instancia, procedemos a la elaboración de una definición de PEF que incorpora elementos provenientes de múltiples feminismos (decolonial, autónomo, negro, indígena), y que se asume explícitamente situada desde una perspectiva geográfica y cultural, subalternizada y contrahegemónica. Finalmente, proponemos una gradualidad en la categorización de aquellas políticas exteriores que empiezan a abandonar posicionamientos androcentristas y cisheteropatriarcales, a partir de la construcción de los conceptos de "Politica Exterior con Perspectiva de Género" (PEPG), y "Politica Exterior con Perspectiva de Género y Agenda Feminista" (PEGAF), cuyos significados y diferencias desarrollamos.
