Suchergebnisse

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Arabska Wiosna przybrała w Libii formę wojny domowej, w następstwie której doszło do zewnętrznej interwencji zbrojnej i obalenia reżimu Muammara Kaddafiego. Bez mała siedem lat od wybuchu wojny państwo nadal pogrążone jest w chaosie. Brak zgody co do kształtu ustrojowego i przywództwa państwa konserwuje status quo i sprawia, że wyjście z impasu jest coraz trudniejsze. W artykule podjęto próbę analizy sytuacji politycznej Libii oraz czynników determinujących impas polityczny, którymi są – zdaniem autorki – przede wszystkim: współistnienie kilku ośrodków władzy, konflikty etniczne, aktywność ugrupowań zbrojnych (milicji), tworzonych zarówno przez wojskowych, jak i islamistów, a także słabość i brak jedności aktorów zewnętrznych, w tym ONZ, w wypracowywaniu kompromisu dotyczącego Libii. ; The Arab Spring in Libya took the form of a civil war, which led to the external military intervention and overthrowing the Muammar Qaddafi regime. Nearly seven years since the war broke out, the country has still remained in chaos. A lack of consensus regarding the form of political system and leadership in the country maintains the status quo and makes the current deadlock increasingly difficult to be broken. The article seeks to analyse the political landscape in Libya as well as the factors affecting the political impasse in the country, which, in the opinion of the author, comprised primarily of the coexistence of several power centres, ethnic conflicts, the activity of armed groups (militias) created both by military members and Islamists, and the weakness as well as the lack of unity in making a compromise on Libya among external actors, including the UN.

The collapse of the world economy in the thirties was especially felt in Poland. In that situation the state had to undertake some efforts in order to lighten the course of events as well as to precipitate the end of crisis. These efforts were also directed towards the possibly rapid reconstruction of the devastations in Polish economy caused by that crisis. The intervention measures of the Polish government embraced the whole variety of steps which were undertaken in all branches of national economy. The author of this paper comes to the analysis and evaluation of control policy which — apart from the customs policy and the policy of export promotion — constituted in those times the substantial form of state intervention in the field of Polish foreign trade. The control of foreign traffic was reviewed from the point of view of numerous restrictions, import quotas and barter business. After a thorough examination of the process of rapid development of the foreign traffic control in Poland the author points at the double objective of introducing the import quotas. On one hand those above mentioned quotas can be considered as the repercussion and result of autarchic processes developed amongst the Poland's trade partners and increasing difficulties in international trade as well as the result of commonly used foreign exchange restrictions causing the freeze of credit balance from exports. Those import restrictions were introduced in order to weaken the disadvantegeous influence of the above mentioned events on Polish foreign trade and — indirectly — on the whole Poland's economy. On the other hand the control policy was also facilitating the inland's economic and financial policy. In the years 1929 - 1935 the system of quotas highly contributed to the achievement of favourable balance of foreign trade and international payments; in the next years that system constituted one of the most significant factors realization of foreign exchange control. In addition, in the whole period being the subject of the present analysis, the compensatory turnover greatly facilitated the realization of policy of export promotion. The mentioned motives of using the control policy caused the seizure of almost full control of foreign trade by state. In this article the author evaluates the control policy on the basis of the demonstrated uniformity of that policy with the general, economic policy of the state. As the deflation policy of the crisis years is evaluated rather negatively the same appraisal can be adopted to the control policy in foreign trade. However the investment policy of the after-crisis years of economic growth is appreciated as the only justified policy within the framework of contemporary political system and therefore also the control policy should be positively appreciated. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Polish-American relations and Iraq War in political conceptions of Liga Polskich Rodzin Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conceptions for Polish- -American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew, that more of them ideas was wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afganistan and Iraq without any compensations, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more belter solution than integrity with EU.

Polish-American relations and Iraq War in political conceptions of Liga Polskich Rodzin Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conceptions for Polish- -American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew, that more of them ideas was wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afganistan and Iraq without any compensations, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more belter solution than integrity with EU.

This article concentrates on the basic problems respecting the "economic sovereignty" and "economic self-determination", and especially on the right to choose he economic system of a state, the permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and resources, the right to free disposal of natural wealth and resources and the problems of economic coercion. In the opinion of the present writer a delimitation should be drawn between he rights of states on the one hand, and the corresponding rights of peoples on he other. Such a delimitation must be based on the assumption that in international aw the concept of sovereignty is connected exclusively with the states, and the concept of self-determination exclusively with the peoples. According to that the right to choose the economic system and the permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and resources are fundamental rights of states flowing from their sovereignty The corresponding rights of peoples flowing from their right to selfdetermination, i.e. the right of every people to choose the economic system of its state and the right to free disposal of its natural wealth and resources,, are only complementary to those fundamental rights of states; they are strengthening the prohibition of foreign intervention which is inherent in sovereign equality of states. Ii is, however, possible that the exercise of "economic sovereignty" may contradict the right of a people to "economic self-determination, especially when the economic system does not conform to the wishes of a people or when a people is being deprived of its own means of subsistence. In such a case the question of foreign intervention arises in a different context. It can be taken for granted that the people's right to self-determination excludes the admissibility of foreign intervention by invitation of the government. On the other hand, it is certain that international law does not authorize any intervention in favour of the people's right to self-determination. The last section of the article is concerned with the problems of economic coercion. In the opinion of the present writer the prohibition of the use of economic measures of coercion still belongs to the sphere de lege ferenda. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

In February 2011, inspired by the events in Tunisia and Egypt, Libyans started the revolt, which resulted in the overthrow of the regime of Colonel Muammar Qaddafi. The revolt lasted eight months and was supported by the international military intervention, which was crucial to the success of the insurgents. However, the international support for the uprising would not have been possible without the diplomatic efforts of the quickly formed Libyan Transitional National Council, which represented the opposition forces against Col. Qaddafi. The consolidation of both the Libyan opposition and international military operation in Libya were the key factors of the socalled Libyan Arab Spring. The first chapter of the article presents the significant developments of the Libyan revolt from the beginning of the protests until the death of Col. Qaddafi and formation of a first government. The uprising and military intervention led to the change of the political system of the state. It has caused numerous damages and brought many challenges threats to the new Libyan authorities, not only economic, but also social, political and military. The second part of the article addresses these challenges and threats, as they have been determining the shape and structure of the new Libya. This section presents the relevant factors such as the tribal ties, the country's partition into the center and periphery, the role of religion in social and political life, which will have a huge impact on the Libyan society, the future structure of the state, the political scene of the country and relations with regional and global actors. The last part of the article analyses the Libyan uprising and the impact of international military intervention on the situation in Libya. It is an attempt to draw scenarios of the future of Libya and its impact on the security situation in the Mediterranean region, in Africa and in the Arab world. It shows both the possible advantages of the regime change in Libya and the threats for the stabilization of the country and neighbouring regions.

The present text focuses on presenting opinions of the Byzantines about the rulers of pagan Bulgaria as military leaders and reasons given by Byzantine au­thors explaining mishaps of their troops in battles against Bulgaria. The author concludes that, in general, the Byzantines did not allow for a thought that they could be defeated by any external power, in the least by the barbarian Mysians/ Bulgarians. However, if such occurrences took place, they were considered to be caused by divine intervention or negligence of the Byzantines themselves (i.e. disloyalty, lack of cooperation between commanders, low morale of the army etc.) and never result from genuine capability of the enemy, actual courage of the hos­tile forces or the adversaries' leadership skills (which were generally discounted). ; The present text focuses on presenting opinions of the Byzantines about the rulers of pagan Bulgaria as military leaders and reasons given by Byzantine au­thors explaining mishaps of their troops in battles against Bulgaria. The author concludes that, in general, the Byzantines did not allow for a thought that they could be defeated by any external power, in the least by the barbarian Mysians/ Bulgarians. However, if such occurrences took place, they were considered to be caused by divine intervention or negligence of the Byzantines themselves (i.e. disloyalty, lack of cooperation between commanders, low morale of the army etc.) and never result from genuine capability of the enemy, actual courage of the hos­tile forces or the adversaries' leadership skills (which were generally discounted).

The author analyses the process of Europeanization in the field of public policy defining it as a systematic policy diffusion, policy transfer and policy convergence of the EU's and Western patterns of policy interventions and policy ideas as well as policy solutions. He indicates that the Europeanization – all by itself – does not guarantee the automatic improvement of policy outcome and more effective public interventions in a given country (as a way of ensuring a higher level of capacity to generate a better proportion between resources in use and benefits). The EU's public policy – as a policy activity initiated by the Union's institutions – has a different structure from that of policies on the country level, as a result, it affects them in a rather selective way. Above all, the European institutions do not have a significant influence on such a stage of policy cycle like policy implementation (except the area of legislation and its compliance with the EU law). Keywords: public policy, Europeanization, nation state ; Autor analizuje proces europeizacji w polityce publicznej. Definiuje go jako systematyczne przenikanie, a także transfer oraz konwergencję unijnych i zachodnich wzorców działania publicznego oraz pomysłów i rozwiązań problemów. Wskazuje, że europeizacja – niejako sama z siebie – nie zapewnia bezpośrednio mechanizmu podnoszenia efektywności działań publicznych w danym państwie (w sensie podnoszenia zdolności do uzyskiwania większych korzyści z wydanych środków). Unijna polityka publiczna – rozumiana jako działania inicjowane przez instytucje unijne – ma bowiem inną konstrukcję niż polityka krajowa, a tym samym oddziałuje na nią w dość selektywny sposób. Przede wszystkim instytucje unijne nie posiadają znaczącego wpływu na ten etap kształtowania polityki, jakim jest implementacja (poza kwestiami zgodności krajowego porządku prawnego z unijnym prawodawstwem).

The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland's president by a small majority. Kaczyński's defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate. ; The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland's president by a small majority. Kaczyński's defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate.

Article describes a complex political crisis lasting in Mali and his probable implications. There were presented in detail two fundamental aspects of this crisis such as: the Tuareg (MNLA) and islamists rebellion started in January as well as military coup from march 2012. It was claimed that the military intervention at the beginning of 2013 r., in which French army was involved, was an indispensable solution – but insufficient. It was found that sweeping reforms are needed to value Tuareg participation in political and economic life of the country (for eg. in the form of autonomy). It was demonstrated that labile interior situation in Mali might destabilize all order in Western and Sub-Saharan Africa as well as in Sahel area by increasing the threat of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and crime (especially by AKIM, Boko Haram and MUJAO). Not to mention the safety of North Africa, where the situation after the Arab Spring is still fragile, and in the longer term, Europe and the USA.

Prevalence of tobacco use and environmental tobacco smoke in polish population research. WHO-CINDI Programme in 1991–2007This article is a report from comparison surveys, carried out in connection with WHO-CINDI Programme during the years 1991–2007. The analysis was based on random sampling tests concerning big Polish cities' inhabitants, all in all almost 11.5 thousand respondents. Taking everything into consideration, it has been established, that:1. Regular smoking frequency becomes smaller (the effect of implemented prophylactic programmes, a so-called 'intervention variable').2. Still, propagation of environmental smoking is an alarming phenomenon, however it is definitely improving. Despite the fact, that more and more respondents are living in a free-smoking zone, each 5-6 adult city inhabitant spends over 5 hours a day in a room full of smoke.3. Within time passing, as a result of quitting an addiction, a belief concerning harmful smoking consequences grows. This tendency is not yet sufficiently justified. Becoming alarmed with the concerning phenomenon is definitely not enough when making an opinion in this matter.

Afghanistan has been suffering because of military conflicts for 30 years. Due to the soviet military occupation and later on civil war thousands of people have lost their lifes and millions were forced to abandon their homes. Civil service and enterprises collapsed. Ruling the state from the 1996 Talibs changed the country into confessional state, almost completely closed for the entire world. Terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center from the 11 September 2001 and in the consequence NATO's military intervention in Afghanistan got rid ofthe Talibs but at the same time entangled NATO into long-lasting peacekeeping mission. In the polish-afghan's relationship we can single out to periods: 1989-2001 which limited our relationship due to the internal situation in Afghanistan and priorities of the polish foreign policy ( NATO and UE accession). The decision ofsending the polish military troops in 2001 opened the second period - the active polish participation in creating interior safety and balance in Afghanistan and also establishing political and economical cooperation. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18

Peacekeeping operations are nowadays an important phenomenon in international relations and especially in conflict-ridden regions. The concept and framework of such operations has been constantly evolving in the past and one of the milestones of this evolution was the fall of the communist system and the end of the cold war. In Europe, this historic moment coincided with establishment by the Maastricht Treaty of the new organism within the process of western Europe's integration: the European Union. Both these facts triggered a reaction of the somewhat passive and hardly visible European defence organisation of the Western European Union. Its Petersberg Declaration of 1992 redefined security and sought to change peace obligations of the member states of WEU, as they accepted a broader responsibility and a broader concept of security in the European region. This was an important first step in making defence integration a part of the mainstream integration process. On the legal basis of the Petersberg Declaration, six operations were carried out. The paper discusses them, showing striking similarities, which actually comprise a special philosophy of intervention by WEU. This philosophy reflects both strengths and weaknesses of WEU's role in the European integration.

Peacekeeping operations are nowadays an important phenomenon in international relations and especially in conflict-ridden regions. The concept and framework of such operations has been constantly evolving in the past and one of the milestones of this evolution was the fall of the communist system and the end of the cold war. In Europe, this historic moment coincided with establishment by the Maastricht Treaty of the new organism within the process of western Europe's integration: the European Union. Both these facts triggered a reaction of the somewhat passive and hardly visible European defence organisation of the Western European Union. Its Petersberg Declaration of 1992 redefined security and sought to change peace obligations of the member states of WEU, as they accepted a broader responsibility and a broader concept of security in the European region. This was an important first step in making defence integration a part of the mainstream integration process. On the legal basis of the Petersberg Declaration, six operations were carried out. The paper discusses them, showing striking similarities, which actually comprise a special philosophy of intervention by WEU. This philosophy reflects both strengths and weaknesses of WEU's role in the European integration.

Seven drafts of the constitution submitted to the Polish Sejm by political parties have been analyzed and compared within the scope of regulations concerning the economic organization of the society: property rights, freedom of economic activity and its limitations, social security, state budget and debt, etc. Though advanced by groups of different or even (seemingly) opposite political orientations, the drafts do not differ much, all of them presenting a vision of a rather liberal state with the possibility of state intervention, in case it is necessary to protect "the public good". Most important differences may be noticed in the area of social insurance, education and health service. It is, however, often difficult to state decisively what the differences between the drafts consist in. All the drafts have been written in a very general language. It is only the future legislation which will determine the shape of the economic system of the state, and will interpret the still vague regulations of the constitution, the final version of which will certainly be a compromise between the submitted drafts. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016