Suchergebnisse

Thinking on the freedom of research (from the tragedy of Giulio Regeni)]. Freedom of research and the open society have same enemies: intolerance, violence and discrimination, denial of pluralism and the pretension of imposing a unique truth. But there are also sneakier enemies: intellectual laziness, no monitoring of private passions and prejudices or economic or political interests, self-referential university systems, no attentive recruitment of new researchers according to applied merit criteria in science and conscience, the dispersal of untapped potential even when economic and civil development would ask for it.

L'oggetto di questa tesi riguarda la protezione della democrazia in Germania, Italia e Spagna. Dopo un'analisi generale del problema, l'attenzione si concentrerà sulla sottolineatura dei limiti e dei meriti principali delle soluzioni europee (limitatamente ai tre paesi esaminati) proposte per affrontare l'estremismo e l'intolleranza nei partiti politici. The object of this thesis is about the protection of democracy in Germany, Italy and Spain. After a general analysis of the problem, the focus will be on underlining the main limits and merits of the European (limited to the three countries examined) solutions proposed for dealing with extremism and intolerance in political parties.

The present essay reconstructs certain dynamics of the socalled "new generation" political parties, through the analysis of some of their statutes. In particular, the paper identifies some elements of continuity between these parties and the traditional ones, i.e.: the oligarchic dimension, the leaderistic and centralized approach, and a certain intolerance towards internal pluralism. Finally, the article analyzes the repercussions that such persistent characteristics of political parties have with respect to the dynamics of representative democracy. ; Il contributo ricostruisce talune dinamiche dei partiti politici cd. "di nuova generazione", attraverso la lettura di alcuni statuti di tali formazioni sociali. In particolar modo, lo scritto individua alcuni elementi di continuità tra questi e i partiti tradizionali: la dimensione oligarchica, l'impostazione leaderistica e centralizzata, e una certa intolleranza verso il pluralismo interno. Infine, l'articolo analizza le ripercussioni che tali persistenti caratteristiche dei partiti politici hanno rispetto alle dinamiche della democrazia rappresentativa.

Indonesia is a diverse country, if not one of the most diverse ones in the world. Due to its geographical fact as the largest archipelago in the world, Indonesia's territory has been inhabited by not less than 1340 different tribes who speak more than 600 local/traditional languages since ancient times. It is also the territory where there were some prominent Hindu-Buddhist ancient kingdoms, such as Srivijaya and Majapahit, in which their existence determined the civilization existing in South East Asia today. Once Islam came into this archipelago, it then quickly became the dominant religion, and this then makes Indonesia the biggest Muslim country in the world without changing its status as a place for people from various religions to live and co-exist with each other. Those all shape the existence of Indonesia today. The world's biggest Muslim country with its inherent diversities that have been existing since long before the establishment of this country. However, such a fact of diversities, especially in the matter of religious life, has been under threat. There have been many cases where the religious minority groups encountered marginalization, discrimination, or even persecutions, in which it happened in the relationship with the Muslims as the dominant religious group. Resistances against the establishments of churches or other worship places of the non-Muslims that is more and more frequent happening in various places in Indonesia, or resistance against non-Muslims to be the governmental leaders, such as what happened during the moment of the provincial election in Jakarta in 2017, are examples of how some Muslims in Indonesia are getting intolerant towards their fellow citizens from different religions. Even worse, such an emerging tendency of intolerance didn't only happen towards non-Muslims, but also towards the minority groups within the Muslims too. The persecution against the members of the Ahmadiyya sect in the village of Cikeusik, province of Banten, in 2011, as well as the one against the Shiites in the town of Sampang, province of East Java, in 2012, which resulted in the deaths of some Ahmadiyya members and the displacement of the whole Shiite community in Sampang, obviously highlighted the condition of how such diseases of intolerance and hatred have been significantly growing among some Muslims in Indonesia towards those who differ. Surely, the problem is not with Islam per se, but instead with how Islam is interpreted, practiced, and used by some people in Indonesia. As such, I argue that this problem derives from the so-called Islamic fundamentalism. It is from this context, the research through this Ph.D. thesis is carried out. Through this research, I investigated how Islamic fundamentalism has been developing in Indonesia since the beginning through historical analysis (Chapter III). From such an investigation, I then investigated and analyzed further the existing legal frameworks in Indonesia regarding how these all have failed in properly dealing with the paradigm of Islamic fundamentalism (Chapter V). Surely, all those works are done after I conducted the necessary elaboration and clarification regarding the concept of Islamic fundamentalism (Chapter II). And since pluralism is the core value embraced in this research that needs to be protected from the threat of Islamic fundamentalism, I also made theoretical elaborations on some principles and approaches under the umbrella of the politics of recognition of difference to protect and advance diversities (Chapter IV). I close this Ph.D. thesis with a chapter (Chapter VI) where I proposed what I argue as the best legal framework possible to combat Islamic fundamentalism as well as to advance diversities in Indonesia as a Muslim majority country. There, I argued that some key principles developed in the Western world are indeed necessary to serve as the fundamental basis for such a legal framework.

L'intreccio di trasformazioni che tra Otto e Novecento cambia il volto dell'Europa fa da sfondo a uno dei momenti più alti della storia della cultura giuridica. Un comune afflato sembra ispirare gli indirizzi che in Italia, Francia e Germania sollecitano un rinnovamento del metodo e un ripensamento della stessa nozione di diritto. Le fibrillazioni della «Scuola sociale del diritto», già attiva in Italia negli anni Ottanta, incrociavano le inquietudini del "rinascimento giuridico" francese e le provocazioni del gius-liberismo tedesco, sovrapponendosi le une alle altre, percorrendo itinerarii contigui, attingendo a un patrimonio scientifico comune. Le componenti eterodosse della cultura giuridica condividevano il disagio verso ogni forma d'immobilismo, l'insofferenza per un quadro "assolutizzato" dalla fonte legislativa, la critica verso un diritto improntato all'individualismo. Instauravano dei«dialoghi a distanza», non perché tra luoghi geograficamente lontani, ma perché in buona parte maturati senza la piena consapevolezza dei protagonisti. ; The significant transformations that took place in Europe during the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century provided the background for one of the most intense periods in the history of the legal culture. The legal movements which in Italy, France and Germany led to changes in the concept and in the method of law seemed to be inspired by a common mood. The energies of the Italian «Social School of Law» crossed the apprehensions of the French judicial "renaissance" and the challenges of the German «Freirechtsbewegung», entwining one with the other, following congruent paths, drawing from the same scientific believes. The non-orthodox elements of the European legal culture shared a common intolerance towards paralysis, a system of legal sources monopolyzed by the statute-law and a law shaped around individualism. They established «dialogues in parallel», for the most part independently of each other.

Il Premio è promosso allo scopo di sostenere un tipo di architettura definita "partecipata", caratterizzata da un approccio e da una metodologia di progetto che prendono in esame non solo gli aspetti architettonici di un luogo, ma anche quelli economici e sociali, abbattendo così le barriere multidisciplinari, contaminando i saperi e creando nuovi modelli di condivisione e cooperazione per un processo di riqualificazione urbana sostenibile. Focus del contributo che si presenta in queste pagine è l'interpretazione dell'esperienza del Premio in quanto opportunità di riflettere su una buona pratica che si può annoverare tra gli approcci di civic activation, seppur con i necessari distinguo rispetto alle canoniche iniziative in campo partecipativo. Lente attraverso cui è possibile innescare iniziative bottom-up di supporto o sostegno alle attività istituzionali, la civic activation diventa nodo fondamentale per creare la massa critica necessaria a costituire una buona base per il perseguimento degli interessi diffusi della comunità.L'obiettivo del paper è indagare sull'impatto che il Premio ha avuto nel costruire interesse e attivare sinergie da parte delle comunità urbane nei confronti della tematica del lungomare. Tale esperienza è significativa in quanto ha registrato una continuità delle partecipazioni, dell'interesse della comunità locale e dell'attualità dei temi anno per anno selezionati; ciascuno di essi ha saputo cogliere ed interpretare le emergenze socio-politiche del momento. Invitare i giovani professionisti e la comunità locale a sviluppare e valutare proposte di riqualificazione urbana per la propria città ha innescato un circuito di massa critica attiva, dibattiti, incontri ed una coscienza crescente rispetto alla questione urbana, sociale ed economica. ; The award "La Convivialità Urbana [Urban Conviviality]" is promoted in order to support a participated architecture characterized by a project approach and methodology that comprehend not only urban aspects of the place, but also economic and social, cutting down multidisciplinary walls, contaminating knowledge and creating new models of sharing and cooperation for a sustainable urban requalification process. Focus of this presenting paper is the interpretation of the experience of the award "Urban Conviviality" as opportunity to reflect on best practice within approaches of civic activation, even if necessarily distinguished by the prescribed initiatives in the field of participation search shows that this shift goes hand-in-hand with a review of the integration policies in the country. The politics of integration correspond in fact to a policy response to various social problems (such as discrimination, racism, intolerance. Lens through which is possible to trigger bottom-up initiatives as support to institutional activities, the civic activation becomes nodal point for creating critical mass necessary to construct a good base for the pursuit of community widespread interests. The objective of this paper is to investigate the impact that the award has had in achieving community interest and activate synergies related to the issue of waterfront. This experience is meaningful because it has been registered a continuity in the participation, local community interest and relevance of year-by-year selected themes; each of them could catch and interpret the current socio-politic emergences. Calling young professions and local community to develop and evaluate urban requalification proposals for their city, has trigged a circle of critical mass, debates, meeting and growing awareness related to urban, social and economic issue.