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The US — Jordan relations, both during and after the Cold War, can be described as close, based on the pursuit of common goals and mutual respect. Although the United States of America and the Kingdom of Jordan have never concluded a formal treaty with each other, they cooperated on many levels, in the Middle‑Eastern region and internationally, both during the second half of the 20th century and in the first two decades of the 21st century. Despite the complex geopolitical situation in the Middle East, re‑occurring threats and challenges that may have weakened the bilateral relations between the two states, the informal alliance between the US and Jordan have survived, which is indicative of the importance of these relations and the strength of the partnership. The place and role of Amman in the foreign policy of Washington have many aspects and dimensions. One can observe certain evolution of the position that consecutive American governments attributed to Jordan depending on conditions that have been both extra‑regional (the Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union) and intra‑regional (the three Gulf Wars, the Middle‑Eastern peace process). It is also important to emphasize that after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the mutual relations have gained a different, more strategic dimension. Hence, it can be argued that Jordan's importance in the US foreign policy has only reached its pinnacle during the post‑Cold War era. The present article seeks to pinpoint the place and role of the Kingdom of Jordan in the US policy towards the Middle East after the Cold War and to define the character of the relationship between the two states. Its main goal is to identify and describe both positive and negative factors determining the US — Jordan relations. The article will also attempt to answer the questions about the extent to which the Arab Spring has influenced the shape of the mutual links between Washington and Amman.

The aim of this paper is to widely discuss the political situation of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and to present the complexity of the relations between the member states of the Council and to describe their regional relationships especially regarding the aspect of rivalry and difficult neighborhood with Iran and cooperation with the United States. A larger part of the article is dedicated to the phenomena of the fundaments of unity between the Gulf states but also the sources of disharmony and disunity that prevent the further deepening and strengthening of intra-Gulf relations which should materialize in the formation of a Gulf Union. The article aspires also to give a forecast of possible scenarios of political and economic development in the GCC region upon the basic economic and social data. This forecast is presented in relation with the challenges that this region is facing.

In this article, the author's present relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union in the context of competition for influence in the Western Balkans. Particular attention is paid to the intersecting lines of interest and, nevertheless, important aspects of historical participation in intra-regional relations between the two actors. The article addresses both political, social and economic issues, which are the merits of mutual relations both within the Russian Federation – the European Union as well as between the two actors and the countries of the region. ; W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują relacje pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a Unią Europejską w kontekście rywalizacji o wpływy na obszarze Bałkanów Zachodnich. Szczególną uwagę autorzy zwracają na przecinające się linie interesów i niemniej ważne aspekty historycznej partycypacji w stosunkach wewnątrz regionu obu aktorów. W artykule zarówno poruszono kwestie polityczne, społeczne jak i gospodarcze, które stanowią meritum wzajemnych relacji zarówno na przestrzeni Federacja Rosyjska – Unia Europejska, jak i pomiędzy oboma aktorami a państwami regionu.

W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują relacje pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a Unią Europejską w kontekście rywalizacji o wpływy na obszarze Bałkanów Zachodnich. Szczególną uwagę autorzy zwracają na przecinające się linie interesów i niemniej ważne aspekty historycznej partycypacji w stosunkach wewnątrz regionu obu aktorów. W artykule zarówno poruszono kwestie polityczne, społeczne jak i gospodarcze, które stanowią meritum wzajemnych relacji zarówno na przestrzeni Federacja Rosyjska – Unia Europejska, jak i pomiędzy oboma aktorami a państwami regionu. ; In this article, the author's present relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union in the context of competition for influence in the Western Balkans. Particular attention is paid to the intersecting lines of interest and, nevertheless, important aspects of historical participation in intra-regional relations between the two actors. The article addresses both political, social and economic issues, which are the merits of mutual relations both within the Russian Federation – the European Union as well as between the two actors and the countries of the region.

Przedmiotem analizy są okoliczności i postawa NATO wobec polityki militarnej Rosji na Ukrainie. W artykule omówiono zagadnienia takie jak relacje między NATO i Rosją po zimnej wojnie, relacje między NATO i Ukrainą po zimnej wojnie oraz reakcja Sojuszu na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie. Artykuł ma dać odpowiedź na pytanie czy reakcja NATO była odpowiednia i wystarczająco zdecydowana, żeby zabezpieczyć przed Rosją państwa wschodniej flanki NATO, skutecznie zniechęcić ją do prowokacji wobec członków Sojuszu oraz zmusić do zmiany polityki wobec Ukrainy? Działania podjęte przez NATO w odpowiedzi na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie koncentrują się na wzmocnieniu bezpieczeństwa i potwierdzeniu gotowości do kolektywnej obrony członków Sojuszu. Pomoc Ukrainie ma charakter wtórny i ograniczony, a jej skala jest niewystarczająca, aby zmusić Rosję do zmiany polityki wobec tego państwa. Wydarzenia na Ukrainie doprowadziły do kryzysu w relacjach między Rosją i NATO, jak również zmniejszyły szansę Ukrainy na przyjęcie do Sojuszu. ; The subject of the analysis are the circumstances and attitude of NATO towards the military policy of Russia in Ukraine. The article discusses issues such as relations between NATO and Russia after the Cold War, relations between NATO and Ukraine after the Cold War and the Alliance's response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine. The article is intended to answer the question of whether NATO's response was appropriate and sufficiently determined to protect NATO's eastern flank states from Russia, effectively discourage it from provoking members of the Alliance and force it to change its policy towards Ukraine? Actions taken by NATO in response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine focus on strengthening security and confirming the readiness to collective defense of Alliance members. Assistance to Ukraine is of a secondary and limited nature, and its scale is insufficient to force Russia to change its policy towards that country. The events in Ukraine led to a crisis in relations between Russia and NATO, as well as reduced the chances of Ukraine to join the Alliance.

The subject of the analysis are the circumstances and attitude of NATO towards the military policy of Russia in Ukraine. The article discusses issues such as relations between NATO and Russia after the Cold War, relations between NATO and Ukraine after the Cold War and the Alliance's response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine. The article is intended to answer the question of whether NATO's response was appropriate and sufficiently determined to protect NATO's eastern flank states from Russia, effectively discourage it from provoking members of the Alliance and force it to change its policy towards Ukraine? Actions taken by NATO in response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine focus on strengthening security and confirming the readiness to collective defense of Alliance members. Assistance to Ukraine is of a secondary and limited nature, and its scale is insufficient to force Russia to change its policy towards that country. The events in Ukraine led to a crisis in relations between Russia and NATO, as well as reduced the chances of Ukraine to join the Alliance. ; Przedmiotem analizy są okoliczności i postawa NATO wobec polityki militarnej Rosji na Ukrainie. W artykule omówiono zagadnienia takie jak relacje między NATO i Rosją po zimnej wojnie, relacje między NATO i Ukrainą po zimnej wojnie oraz reakcja Sojuszu na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie. Artykuł ma dać odpowiedź na pytanie czy reakcja NATO była odpowiednia i wystarczająco zdecydowana, żeby zabezpieczyć przed Rosją państwa wschodniej flanki NATO, skutecznie zniechęcić ją do prowokacji wobec członków Sojuszu oraz zmusić do zmiany polityki wobec Ukrainy? Działania podjęte przez NATO w odpowiedzi na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie koncentrują się na wzmocnieniu bezpieczeństwa i potwierdzeniu gotowości do kolektywnej obrony członków Sojuszu. Pomoc Ukrainie ma charakter wtórny i ograniczony, a jej skala jest niewystarczająca, aby zmusić Rosję do zmiany polityki wobec tego państwa. Wydarzenia na Ukrainie doprowadziły do kryzysu w relacjach między Rosją i NATO, jak również zmniejszyły szansę Ukrainy na przyjęcie do Sojuszu.

Analyses show that the mutual relations between the EU and Russia are marked by profound pragmatism on the one hand (in Russia) and a certain complex of a powerful neighbor and the fear of political turmoil on the other (in the EU). Russia tries to take advantage of these fears in order to maximize her profits and skillfully oscillates between the policy of the USA and that of EU which both count on the benefits to be obtained from the opening of the Russian market. However, the recently popular Russian alliance with China does not pose an actual alternative for the commercial exchange with Europe. This is due to the abundance of Chinese natural resources and expanding Chinese economy that is looking for sales markets rather than offering its purchasing market. In the long run the Russian alliance with the EU will have to be based on new principles that will restrict financial support by the United Europe that will be required to finance its new members.

European Union is principal example of the so-called fourth current of institutionalization of international relations. What makes it special in the context of other state-like communities is the level of integration and what follows the level of institutionalization of intra-communal relations. There are two levels of institutionalization of intentional relations in integration organizations. On the first level international relations are institutionalized within the community of states. The second level concentrates on institutionalization of relations between the community and other subjects of international relations. The European Union is an example of organization that is advanced on both levels of institutionalization. This paper analyzes institutionalization of international relations between EU and developed states (Australia and New Zealand) and Mercosur – another integrational organization. Recommencement of negotiation between EU and Mercosur on a treaty of association, as well as commencement of negotiations between EU and Australia on the conditions of a Framework Agreement, have taken place at the moment when it was certain that world economy has to cope with the effects of a serious recession. Those actions, although they may seem irrational, are thoroughly rational as they increase the chances of reaching a compromise. Crisis helps to concentrate on the core problems and states (or organizations of states) are more willing in that distinctions to reach an agreement, provided that the balance tilts in their favor (even if the results of negotiations are very diff erent from what was assumed at the beginning).

Polish-American relations and Iraq War in political conceptions of Liga Polskich Rodzin Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conceptions for Polish- -American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew, that more of them ideas was wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afganistan and Iraq without any compensations, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more belter solution than integrity with EU.

Polish-American relations and Iraq War in political conceptions of Liga Polskich Rodzin Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conceptions for Polish- -American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew, that more of them ideas was wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afganistan and Iraq without any compensations, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more belter solution than integrity with EU.

The safety of Central European countries after the "cold war" was considered an essential part of the Transatlantic security system. The Polish and Czech accession to NATO (1999) and EU integration (2004) became the fundament of strong relations between them and the USA on the strategic level. Despite the asymmetry of military potential, for both states the cooperation with Washington was an integral element of security and defense strategy. This states that the alliance with the global leader helps to strengthen the position of regional powers (such as Poland) and small states (like the Czech Republic) in the region (Central Europe). The article provides an overview and assesses the security aspects of Central Europe in the context of relations of this region with the United States – the global leader. In addition to that, the thesis elucidates the impact that cooperation with the USA had on the transformation of the security systems of both states.

The safety of Central European countries after the "cold war" was considered an essential part of the Transatlantic security system. The Polish and Czech accession to NATO (1999) and EU integration (2004) became the fundament of strong relations between them and the USA on the strategic level. Despite the asymmetry of military potential, for both states the cooperation with Washington was an integral element of security and defense strategy. This states that the alliance with the global leader helps to strengthen the position of regional powers (such as Poland) and small states (like the Czech Republic) in the region (Central Europe). The article provides an overview and assesses the security aspects of Central Europe in the context of relations of this region with the United States – the global leader. In addition to that, the thesis elucidates the impact that cooperation with the USA had on the transformation of the security systems of both states.

Russia defines relations with The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the category of strategic competition and struggle for influence. It realizes its goals through various methods and tools, choosing the right combination of them, depending on the entities to which they are dedicated. This article is an attempt to synthetically discuss the activity of the Russian Federation in the information environment of the Baltic States, oriented to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO), determining its conditions, mechanisms and key narratives. The author considers the fact that the attitude towards NATO is part of Russia's global strategy, which aims to revise the international order in a direction that would guarantee a return to its rightful position in the emerging new order.

Suzerainty and independence of state and its territorial integrality and inviolability of borders are fundamental problems of extrenal seciurity policy in politics programme polish liberal parties. In relations to alliance with United States of America and Common European Security and Defence Policy are the main politcal problems this policy. Platforma Obywatelska presents the most rational standpoint. The present moment ofshows programm a sensible equilibrium between both ofinternational subjects. Unia Polityki Realnej univocally declares strict colaboration with United States ofAmerica. This party perceptions European Union as a threat for Poland. Instead political programm ofPartia Demokratyczna makes activiy of Poland to create Common European Security and EU Defence Policy. This policy is a safeguard to security ofWestern and Central Europe. In all programme ofthese two parties NATO IS PERCEPTIONED as very important element ofsafety, no only regional but global too. All parties detect necessity build matter ofPoland in alliance. For Platforma Obywatelska and Unia Polityki Realnej military implement is important an element of formation the external security. Both of parties perceive necessity to modernize of equipment and organic structure ofarmy. The most fudamental problem is formation ofprofesional army but with elemets ofcivil guard. For both ofparties the main target oftechnical modernization of army is attained level ofmodernity so that is could co֊operare with most best army on The World wihtout problemms. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18

In both the 20th and the first two decades of the 21st century, Saudi Arabia has remained a strategic actor in the US foreign policy towards the Middle East. Relations between these countries can undoubtedly be called special. Multi‑faceted and complex connections have led the two countries to a state of symbiotic cooperation which, at the end of the second decade of the 21st century, seems to be impossible to change. The Donald Trump administration, despite the split into Saudi enthusiasts (supporters of strengthening the alliance with Riyadh) and Saudi realists (critics of thoughtless pro‑Saudi politics), undoubtedly has been strengthening the symbiotic cooperation with Saudi Arabia. What strengthens and determines the symbiotic cooperation is Iran, perceived by the US and Saudi Arabia as the greatest threat to the realization of their own interests in the Middle East.