Suchergebnisse

The China-Japan relationships: the most important but also the most complex relationships in East Asia, characterised during the five years (2001-2006) of the Koizumi governments by increasing & deepening economic relations and, at the same time, by a freeze in political relations. Now, the new Abe government seems to be ready to mend relations also at the political level, as shown by his visit to Beijing on October the 8th, a few days after the appointment as prime minister. Will Abe be successful? Although the two countries are divided by many issues, here discussed & analysed, the growing economic interdependence & integration is a powerful factor promoting political dialogue & compromises. However, while talking to China, Japan will continue to strengthen the alliance with the United States: her insurance policy in a region still fractured & divided and, paradoxically, a stabilizing factor. Adapted from the source document.

Based on the original unpublished documents of the Italian ambassador in Ankara, the article refers to the difficult situation in which Turkey found itself as a consequence of the 1956 Suez Canal crisis. Since its entry into NATO in 1952, the Turkish government had been active in completing the Western defensive system in the Middle East. After the disappointing Middle East Command & the Medo, which had to see Egypt as a main pillar, the US Secretary of State saw in the Northern Tier line as the real base for building the Baghdad Pact. GB, of course, had to be the "glue" of the structure. Pakistan would be a new element; an Arab country; Iraq, was most welcome; & Iran joined too. Turkey tried from the beginning to get Washington into the Pact. It had to measure itself against the irresistible rise of Nasserism & the strong dissuasive action it exerted on Hussein of Jordan & Nuri Said of Iraq. When Nasser's ascendancy gained ground in Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, & Iraq, Turkey tried in vain to connect the Baghdad Pact to NATO; Cairo & Damascus, the two main centers of Arab nationalism, succeeding in isolating Iraq, would strengthen those links with the USSR that would suddenly threaten Turkey both from communism in the North & Arabism from South. The bilateral treaty of 11 March 1959 with Washington, together with strong economic aid, would in the end guarantee Turkey would open its territory to the intermediate range ballistic missile base. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses European reaction & unified action to the tragic events of 11 Sept. One consequence of the events important for the future of Europe is the progressive transformation of transatlantic relations & the subsequent reconfiguration of NATO activities. Although US President George W. Bush seized the occasion to further affirm US control in the post-Cold War era, the European powers -- with the exception of GB -- have failed to agree on a specific course of action in addressing terrorism. Aside from committing to an international peacekeeping force, NATO & the UN have remained detached from the US reaction. Because of its relative inaction, Europe has undoubtedly compromised its authority & international prestige. A call is made for alternative solutions to the Treaty of Maastricht & its provisions for reinforced collaboration in defense issues. J. Sadler

Il principale obiettivo della tesi è dimostrare come la connessione tra i differenti livelli giuridici che riguardano le relazioni tra Stati membri dell'UE richieda un'interpretazione sistematica delle convenzioni contro le doppie imposizioni intracomunitarie, ed in particolare richieda l'applicazione della clausola della nazione più favorita. ; The main goal of this thesis is to demonstrate how the connections between different juridical levels in the relationship between Member States of the European Union requires a systematic interpretation of the intra-EU double tax conventions, in particular the obligation of the most-favoured-nation treatment. The starting point is a dualistic interpretation of the non-discrimination principle; considered both as an obligation of equal treatment on the national level and an application of the most-favoured-nation clause. These principles are investigated in the context of intra-EU relationships and furthermore in the light of the main objective of the EU, i.e. to build an Internal Market. The analysis of the above-mentioned principle is considered in relation to the network of intra-EU double tax conventions, which are inspired by reciprocity due to their bilateral nature and other legal levels which operate in such context, namely the EU and the WTO. In fact, the exclusion of the direct taxation from the competences of the EU and, consequently, exclusive competence that the EU Member States have to negotiate and sign double tax conventions, cannot give to them the opportunity to provide every kind of rules. In particular, according to the CJEU case law, EU Member States must comply, on one side, with EU law and especially with the four market freedoms that cannot be restricted by international bilateral agreements based on reciprocity and, on the other side, with international obligations derived from the WTO (whose parties are EU Member States and the EU too). By contextualizing intra-EU double tax conventions in a EU internal market law-logic, this thesis has demonstrated that the existence of a most-favoured-nation clause enforceable to the provisions of such double tax conventions is the obvious consequence of a systematic EU interpretation.

The peace treaty and alliance between the Lacedaemonians and Aetolians Erxadieis is one of the rare specimens of classical Spartan epigraphy and the oldest primary source on the Spartan hegemonic political system: more than being the expression of a direct relationship between Sparta and the Aetolian koinon, the treaty seems to deal with a smaller, unknown ethnos, most probably Peloponnesian, which recalls the Aetolians in its name and origin. On the grounds of its political-institutional language the inscription, whose date in the scholarship fluctuates between the end of the 6th century and 388 BC, could well be inserted in the Peloponnesian political climate of the years after the Peace of Nicias and reflect the evolution of international relations at that time; in particular, if Mantinea (restored at l. 4) is excluded from the alliance, the dating can be narrowed down to between 420 and 418 BC.

The traditional alliance between labor parties and left-wing unions improved the living conditions of workers and the development of the welfare state. This alliance also contributed to improve legitimacy and democratic stability as a consequence of the equalizers effects derived from policies aimed at an equitable distribution of the wealth produced by workers. The alliance between the labor parties and the leftist unions appears today heavily eroded because of the profound transformations that have taken place in the productive system, in the social composition and in the degree of international economic integration of the advanced democracies. This contribution analyzes the political choices to adapt to changes made by labor parties and left-wing unions. These choices caused a widening gap of the political paths of the "two wings of the labor movement", with the consequence - in some cases - of putting at risk the maintenance of the alliance itself. In the first section the evolution of the alliance is examined in a comparative perspective. The second section is dedicated to the Italian case where recently a significant relaxation of relations between the two political actors has been registered. Again in a comparative perspective, the probable developments of the historic alliance will be examined in the conclusive section. ; La tradizionale alleanza tra i partiti del lavoro e i sindacati di sinistra ha favorito il miglioramento delle condizioni di vita dei lavoratori e lo sviluppo dello stato sociale . Tale alleanza ha contribuito anche a produrre legittimazione e stabilità democratica per gli effetti equalizzatori derivati da politiche miranti ad una più equa distribuzione della ricchezza prodotta dal lavoro. L' alleanza tra i partiti del lavoro e i sindacati di sinistra appare oggi pesantemente logorata a causa delle profonde trasformazioni avvenute nel sistema produttivo, nella composizione sociale e nel grado di integrazione economica internazionale delle democrazie avanzate. In questo contributo vengono analizzate le scelte politiche di adattamento ai cambiamenti effettuate dai partiti del lavoro e dai sindacati di sinistra. Tali scelte hanno provocato una divaricazione crescente nei percorsi politici delle "due ali del movimento operaio", con la conseguenza – in alcuni casi – di mettere a rischio il mantenimento stesso dell' alleanza. Nella prima sezione l'evoluzione dell'alleanza viene esaminata in prospettiva comparata. La seconda sezione è dedicata al caso italiano dove negli ultimi anni si è registrato un allentamento significativo dei rapporti tra i due attori politici. Nella sezione conclusiva si esamineranno, nuovamente in chiave comparata, i probabili, ulteriori, sviluppi della storica alleanza.

This thesis analyzes the modern Turkish state and Turkish civil society through a perspective influenced by the approaches of Marx and Gramsci. First of all, the work focuses on Turkish debate around the concept of civil society which has been dominated by liberal views. However, recently, critical investigations following Marx and Gramsci's outlook, have started challenging the dominant perspective of the debate. Starting from this view, the research analyzes the relations between state and civil society adherents to Kemalist ideology during the 40s through the reading of a Turkish periodical, Kadın Gazetesi. According to the above mentioned approach, Turkey can be studied as a political entity built to create a citizenry able to accept the authority as natural. The alliance between native bourgeoisie and bureaucratic class led the country towards a definition of the Republic. However, during wartime, capital accumulation became an important element in breaking the historical coalition. As bureaucracy was not able to save the old alliance, the bourgeoisie, aware of its increasingly role, no longer wished to compromise.

This work analyzes the evolution of the German Democratic Republic during 1971-1985, with particular attention to the economic sphere, relations with the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany, and the impact that changes in the international economic system have they had on these plans. The basic question concerns the actual degree of subordination of the GDR to the USSR: absolute for traditional historiography, which denies the possibility of an East German foreign policy, relative to the light of archival documents, which show a framework of bilateral relations constantly affected by tensions. In addition to analyzing the relationships in an unequal alliance between center and periphery, the study of the decision-making mechanisms internal to the GDR and the effectiveness of a system in which politics dictated the priority in terms of economic choices are at the center of this volume.