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The roots of isolationism in the United States can be traced back to the American Revolution. As a young nation, the United States limited its involvement in world affairs, focusing mostly on trade issues. Only when America's vital interests were threatened did the United States react with military force. In the 19th century, it was possible to isolate the country from trouble abroad. The presence of two vast oceans and friendly countries to the north and south protected the United States from invasion. As the United States grew to superpower status after World War II, however, its interests e

Argues that socialists must both oppose & support globalism. While it remains imperative to struggle against increasing dominance of corporate interests, disregard for democratic decision making by international bodies, & the rising power of Wall Street, the free trade issue is less clear. Low-income nations support strengthening free trade since they benefit from open agricultural markets. Middle-income countries endorse free trade because they see the World Trade Organization as the lesser of two evils in relation to the arbitrariness of US Congress/courts. The American Left's antiglobal positions on labor standards are examined, noting socialists justify supporting pseudo-protectionist policies by claiming globalism creates a "race to the bottom." It is argued that the race played out mostly in the US & the effect of foreign trade on domestic wages is a hotly debated issue. Socialists must acknowledge the conflicting interests of American & foreign workers by developing a new position on globalism that promotes economic growth & social welfare both within & beyond American borders & supports the recent trend toward decentralization of global economic power. J. Lindroth

Isolationism has long been seen as a reaction against domestic economic conditions or a threatening international environment, but domestic politics could equally spur such a reaction. Disagreement with current foreign policy or opposition to political parties directing foreign policy may provoke negative feelings on the general prospect of international engagement. Some of what appears to be isolationism, then, is not a universal rejection of international intervention but is instead contingent on partisan control of the executive. Data from the American National Election Studies confirms this: copartisans of the president are substantially less likely to agree with isolationist statements or simultaneously to support isolationism and specific interventionist policies. In addition to further illuminating the sources of public opinion about foreign policy, these findings suggest that some common measures of isolationism may not measure what they intend to measure.

Aus griechischer Sicht