Partial contents: A survey of cartographic contributions of international government organizations, by Linda E. Williamson; State and local map publishing in the United States, by Sandra K. Faull; Current cartographic products of the Western nations, by David A. Cobb; Government mapping in the developing countries, by Christine S. Windheuser.
ABSTRACTIn a recent issue of this journal, Watkins [13] presented an approach for discovery of decision‐maker perceptions of the complexity (dimensionality) of information items that might be supplied by a decision support system. Through use of multidimensional scaling and cluster analysis, relatively homogeneous groups of decision makers, sharing common perceptions of various information items, were formed. This prior research was referred to as a first step in suggesting that information reports could be tailored to groups of decision makers classified on the basis of common perceptions of information. The current research extends the prior study by evaluating decision maker preferences for information in a variety of decision‐making scenarios in relation to the previously identified perceptions of the information. Based on the results of the study, conclusions are made which suggest that the tailoring of information to groups of decision makers should be based on both perceptions and preferences for information. Even so, it is demonstrated that the decision tasks have an impact on the preferences for information which may affect the attempt to tailor information to groups of decision makers.
This trip was part of George Billingsley's contract to do geologic mapping of the Paleozoic strata on the north rim. He camped in various government cabins on the north rim, particularly at Kanabowinits Spring and Big Spring, and drove his government-issue pickup truck to various overlooks to do his mapping. At the end of his ten-day shift he hiked from Monument Point down to Thunder River and Tapeats Creek and back with Dr. Gus Cotera, Susan Varin and other friends.
This special issue of PORTAL constitutes an indirect, sideways reflection on the EU's move toward (re-)discovering, establishing, and promoting shared cultural values. It seeks to unveil not the official historical contexts and traditions in which contemporary inventions of cultural identity occur. Rather, its aim is to discover and listen to competing voices and alternative visions—be they cultural, social, political, literary or cinematic—that give different shape to trans-European identities and model union, commonality, and belonging, according to transregional or translocal values. The special issue, then, is an exploration of possible forms of frictions occurring across the European cultural and historical landscape. It questions the pre-eminence of formal EU discourses on values, and the branding of Europe in the global marketplace, by listening to marginalised, unheard or discordant Euro-voices. The issue demonstrates the need for more rigorous theorisations of notions such as 'value,' whether 'shared' or 'cultural,' in the European region, and posits alternative mappings and visions of European belonging and identity. The essays included in this special issue consider Europe as a locus of frictions, consensus, tension, contestation and reconciliation. This locus is capable of co-locating Scotland with the Costa Brava, crossing Swedish views of Russia with their converse, recognising a Europe of borders that continuously unfold, acknowledging the interference of historical memories, and inflecting the Houellebecquian Euro-futurescape with Greco-Australian undertones; to cite a few examples of vibrant transvaluation occurring in the issue.
Le sousdéveloppement en Jamaique est en partie causé par des activités commerciales de l'élite indigène de l'île. Dans cet article, l'auteur tente de démontrer comment les inégalités sociales de la richesse et du privilège se perpetueront jusqu'à ce que les institutions politico‐économiques contemporaines de la société nationale de la Jamaique continuent de favoriser l'expansion du secteur privé. Étant donné que les effectifs noirs ne constituent pas une partie significative de l'élite économique, l'auteur conclut que le pouvoir 'blanc' en Jamaique ne cesse pas d'être un fait accompli. Il en est ainsi bien que la popularisation du 'Black Power' et du socialisme démocratique aient forcé les blancs de devenir peu visibles. De plus, elle entreprend d'établir les limites du pouvoir politique, économique et culturel des blancs, et de démontrer comment ce pouvoir a changé depuis 1972.Jamaican underdevelopment is in part a product of the business activities of the island's local economic elite. The paper points out how social inequalities of wealth and privilege will persist as long as the contemporary politico‐economic institutions of Jamaican national society continue to favour the expansion of the private sector. Because the island's economic elite is predominantly non‐black, the paper concludes that 'white' power in Jamaica is still a very real issue. This is so even though the popularization of Black Power and Democratic Socialism have forced the whites to keep a low public profile. It is only by mapping the organization and composition of the island's economic elite and by documenting the role of these national entrepreneurs in Jamaican big business that it becomes possible to determine the extent to which white strategic command of political, economic, and cultural resources has changed since the advent to power of the People's National Party in 1972.