Suchergebnisse

The idea of a monetary union became the central theme of Roy Jenkins' EC presidency. But Britain and West Germany failed to support his proposals for national interest reasons. An intergovernmentalist view of the EC suggests that a Commission proposal will succeed only if no coalition of member states can improve their interests through multilateral negotiations. (SJK)

We describe a model of international, multidimensional policy coordination where countries can enter into selective and separate agreements with different partners along different policy dimensions. The model is used to examine the implications of negotiation tie-in - the requirement that agreements must span multiple dimensions of interaction - for the viability of multilateral cooperation when countries are linked by international trade flows and transboundary pollution. We show that, while in some cases negotiation tie-in has either no effect or can make multilateral cooperation more viable, in others a formal tie-in constraint can make an otherwise viable joint multilateral agreement unstable.

AUTHOR EXPLORES THE ROLE OF KNOWLEDGE IN THE DEFINITION OF POLITICAL OBJECTIVES AND INTEREST: WHY DO NATIONS CREATE INSTITUTIONALIZED MODES OF MULTILATERAL COLLABORATION? HOW CAN COMMON INTERESTS DEVELOP IN THE FACE OF INEQUALITIES IN POWER AND ASYMMETRIES IN INTERDEPENDENCE? ISSUE LINKAGE IS EXAMINED, & REGIMES DEALING WITH MONEY & TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER ARE USED FOR ILLUSTRATIVE PURPOSES.

Issue linkage—the simultaneous discussion of two or more issues for joint settlement—is a bargaining tactic that (1) increases the probability of states reaching a negotiated agreement and (2) motivates states to remain committed to an agreement. Unfortunately, beyond some suggestive case studies and a few indirect statistical tests, there exists no direct and systematic evidence to support either claim. To empirically identify the effect of issue linkage, one must overcome five difficulties: properly evaluating multilateral processes, identifying issue linkage, identifying failed negotiations, identifying enforcement problems, and accounting for missing linkage data. I address these limitations through a variety of new approaches, most notably a new unit of analysis (the k-ad) for analyzing multilateral events, new data on failed military alliance negotiations, and using "buffer states" to test the credibility of alliance commitments. I find that, for military alliance negotiations from 1860 to 1945, offers of trade cooperation provisions increase the probability of states reaching agreement and improve the credibility of those agreements. However, I also find that offers of trade cooperation do not have a positive effect on alliance negotiations from 1815 to 1859.

Why do nations create institutionalized modes of multilateral collaboration? How can common interests develop in the face of inequalities in power and asymmetries in interdependence? The author explores the role of knowledge in the definition of political objectives and interests. The systematic interplay of changing knowledge and changing objectives results in the redefinition of "issues" and the practice of "issue linkage." The dynamics of issue-linkage, in turn, tell us something about international regimes for the management of progressively more complex issue areas. An ideal-typical "regime" is described, theoretically applicable to all types of issues. Since the cognitive attributes of the actors who set up such a regime cannot be expected to remain stable, this concept of a "regime" can illuminate cliscussion and analysis, but cannot be expected to provide a clear model for desirable policy. However, it can illustrate the options open to policy makers wishing to choose a mode of collaboration. Regimes dealing with money, the oceans, and technology transfer are used for illustrative purposes.