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China's Sharp Power in Japan During 2015 - 2019 Period There is an observable trend in global politics of authoritarian countries gaining more and more influence towards democratic states. What is more, some authoritarian states use aggressive foreign policy and strengthen their military forces, while abusing human rights domestically. Due to their inability to successfully project soft power, countries like China invoke more covert means in order to influence democracies all over the world. This raises the question what kind of sharp power instruments China is using to influence Japan? The object of this research is China's sharp power in Japan during 2015 – 2019 period. The goal of this research is to reveal how China is using its sharp power in Japan during 2015 – 2019 period. In order to achieve this goal, different methodologies are being used. Theoretical assumptions of power in international relations are being developed through the analysis of scientific literature. In order to check ideological asymmetry between China and Japan, document analysis is performed. Qualitative media content analysis is used to reveal the main themes in Japanese media outlets, regarding negative representation of the country. Qualitative secondary data analysis supplements the findings of media analysis, as well as adds other examples of China's sharp power in Japan. Semi – structured interviews, with officers from the embassy of Lithuania in Japan and people from Japanese media outlets, provide additional information regarding China's influence operations in Japan. This master's thesis is divided into two main parts – theory and analysis. Theoretically, the concept of power can be analyzed through historical understandings, different international relations theories (realism, liberalism and constructivism), as well as forms like hard power, soft power, smart power or sharp power. Analysis is performed through three sharp power categories – ideological asymmetry, lowering value of the democratic country's image and disturbance of democratic processes inside democratic country. The latter two categories are being analyzed through media, cultural institutions, cyber attacks and harmful inner – state organizations' activities. The results revealed that even though it is difficult to prove China's direct involvement in Japan's affairs, observable sharp power tendencies do exist. (1) China is domestically promoting negative image of Japan through media, literature and cultural institutions, while at the same time trying to create "Chinese discrimination" narrative inside Japan. (2) Each year there is an increase in cyber attacks in Japan, posibly sponsored by China. (3) China is interested in Okinawa and might be influencing local politicians (including Japan's Communist Party) and radical left groups to advocate the island's autonomy. (4) Even though Japan recognizes various threats coming from China, it does not have a specific plan on how to counter them. However, Japan does heavily rely on defence cooperation with the USA and improvements in cyber security field.

China's Sharp Power in Japan During 2015 - 2019 Period There is an observable trend in global politics of authoritarian countries gaining more and more influence towards democratic states. What is more, some authoritarian states use aggressive foreign policy and strengthen their military forces, while abusing human rights domestically. Due to their inability to successfully project soft power, countries like China invoke more covert means in order to influence democracies all over the world. This raises the question what kind of sharp power instruments China is using to influence Japan? The object of this research is China's sharp power in Japan during 2015 – 2019 period. The goal of this research is to reveal how China is using its sharp power in Japan during 2015 – 2019 period. In order to achieve this goal, different methodologies are being used. Theoretical assumptions of power in international relations are being developed through the analysis of scientific literature. In order to check ideological asymmetry between China and Japan, document analysis is performed. Qualitative media content analysis is used to reveal the main themes in Japanese media outlets, regarding negative representation of the country. Qualitative secondary data analysis supplements the findings of media analysis, as well as adds other examples of China's sharp power in Japan. Semi – structured interviews, with officers from the embassy of Lithuania in Japan and people from Japanese media outlets, provide additional information regarding China's influence operations in Japan. This master's thesis is divided into two main parts – theory and analysis. Theoretically, the concept of power can be analyzed through historical understandings, different international relations theories (realism, liberalism and constructivism), as well as forms like hard power, soft power, smart power or sharp power. Analysis is performed through three sharp power categories – ideological asymmetry, lowering value of the democratic country's image and disturbance of democratic processes inside democratic country. The latter two categories are being analyzed through media, cultural institutions, cyber attacks and harmful inner – state organizations' activities. The results revealed that even though it is difficult to prove China's direct involvement in Japan's affairs, observable sharp power tendencies do exist. (1) China is domestically promoting negative image of Japan through media, literature and cultural institutions, while at the same time trying to create "Chinese discrimination" narrative inside Japan. (2) Each year there is an increase in cyber attacks in Japan, posibly sponsored by China. (3) China is interested in Okinawa and might be influencing local politicians (including Japan's Communist Party) and radical left groups to advocate the island's autonomy. (4) Even though Japan recognizes various threats coming from China, it does not have a specific plan on how to counter them. However, Japan does heavily rely on defence cooperation with the USA and improvements in cyber security field.

China's Sharp Power in Japan During 2015 - 2019 Period There is an observable trend in global politics of authoritarian countries gaining more and more influence towards democratic states. What is more, some authoritarian states use aggressive foreign policy and strengthen their military forces, while abusing human rights domestically. Due to their inability to successfully project soft power, countries like China invoke more covert means in order to influence democracies all over the world. This raises the question what kind of sharp power instruments China is using to influence Japan? The object of this research is China's sharp power in Japan during 2015 – 2019 period. The goal of this research is to reveal how China is using its sharp power in Japan during 2015 – 2019 period. In order to achieve this goal, different methodologies are being used. Theoretical assumptions of power in international relations are being developed through the analysis of scientific literature. In order to check ideological asymmetry between China and Japan, document analysis is performed. Qualitative media content analysis is used to reveal the main themes in Japanese media outlets, regarding negative representation of the country. Qualitative secondary data analysis supplements the findings of media analysis, as well as adds other examples of China's sharp power in Japan. Semi – structured interviews, with officers from the embassy of Lithuania in Japan and people from Japanese media outlets, provide additional information regarding China's influence operations in Japan. This master's thesis is divided into two main parts – theory and analysis. Theoretically, the concept of power can be analyzed through historical understandings, different international relations theories (realism, liberalism and constructivism), as well as forms like hard power, soft power, smart power or sharp power. Analysis is performed through three sharp power categories – ideological asymmetry, lowering value of the democratic country's image and disturbance of democratic processes inside democratic country. The latter two categories are being analyzed through media, cultural institutions, cyber attacks and harmful inner – state organizations' activities. The results revealed that even though it is difficult to prove China's direct involvement in Japan's affairs, observable sharp power tendencies do exist. (1) China is domestically promoting negative image of Japan through media, literature and cultural institutions, while at the same time trying to create "Chinese discrimination" narrative inside Japan. (2) Each year there is an increase in cyber attacks in Japan, posibly sponsored by China. (3) China is interested in Okinawa and might be influencing local politicians (including Japan's Communist Party) and radical left groups to advocate the island's autonomy. (4) Even though Japan recognizes various threats coming from China, it does not have a specific plan on how to counter them. However, Japan does heavily rely on defence cooperation with the USA and improvements in cyber security field.

China's Sharp Power in Japan During 2015 - 2019 Period There is an observable trend in global politics of authoritarian countries gaining more and more influence towards democratic states. What is more, some authoritarian states use aggressive foreign policy and strengthen their military forces, while abusing human rights domestically. Due to their inability to successfully project soft power, countries like China invoke more covert means in order to influence democracies all over the world. This raises the question what kind of sharp power instruments China is using to influence Japan? The object of this research is China's sharp power in Japan during 2015 – 2019 period. The goal of this research is to reveal how China is using its sharp power in Japan during 2015 – 2019 period. In order to achieve this goal, different methodologies are being used. Theoretical assumptions of power in international relations are being developed through the analysis of scientific literature. In order to check ideological asymmetry between China and Japan, document analysis is performed. Qualitative media content analysis is used to reveal the main themes in Japanese media outlets, regarding negative representation of the country. Qualitative secondary data analysis supplements the findings of media analysis, as well as adds other examples of China's sharp power in Japan. Semi – structured interviews, with officers from the embassy of Lithuania in Japan and people from Japanese media outlets, provide additional information regarding China's influence operations in Japan. This master's thesis is divided into two main parts – theory and analysis. Theoretically, the concept of power can be analyzed through historical understandings, different international relations theories (realism, liberalism and constructivism), as well as forms like hard power, soft power, smart power or sharp power. Analysis is performed through three sharp power categories – ideological asymmetry, lowering value of the democratic country's image and disturbance of democratic processes inside democratic country. The latter two categories are being analyzed through media, cultural institutions, cyber attacks and harmful inner – state organizations' activities. The results revealed that even though it is difficult to prove China's direct involvement in Japan's affairs, observable sharp power tendencies do exist. (1) China is domestically promoting negative image of Japan through media, literature and cultural institutions, while at the same time trying to create "Chinese discrimination" narrative inside Japan. (2) Each year there is an increase in cyber attacks in Japan, posibly sponsored by China. (3) China is interested in Okinawa and might be influencing local politicians (including Japan's Communist Party) and radical left groups to advocate the island's autonomy. (4) Even though Japan recognizes various threats coming from China, it does not have a specific plan on how to counter them. However, Japan does heavily rely on defence cooperation with the USA and improvements in cyber security field.

Problem of this master thesis is how propaganda of Japan regards North Korea initiated Japanese abductions is distributed and what are the consequences of this propaganda is in general. Subject in the final thesis is propaganda of Japan in 2002 – 2011: North Korea initiated Japanese abduction case. Objective of this research is to analyze North Korea initiated Japanese abductions and following it clarify structure of Japanese government propaganda, its distribution techniques and results. To reach this objective these following tasks are made: 1. define propaganda concept and ways of propaganda distribution based on theoretic scientific literature analysis and prepare model of Japanese propaganda analysis. 2. Highlight assumptions of Japanese governmental propaganda development in 1971 – 2005. 3. Accomplish research analysis based on model of propaganda of Japan. 4. Analyze Japanese government propaganda on North Korea initiated Japanese abduction case influence to Japanese society. In this research three methods are used: description, comparative and analytical methods. Accomplished Japanese propaganda analysis of this research led to these conclusions: 1. based on comparative analysis of Lithuanian and foreign authors on concept, sorts and ways of distributing propaganda, and G.S. Jowett ir V. O'Donnell 10 steps of propaganda analysis method, 7 steps model of propaganda of Japan is shaped. 2. From propaganda development context based on Japan's and North Korea's relation background in 1971 -2005, source of Japanese propaganda revealed: neo-conservative attitude prime ministers and LDP right wing fraction. 3. North Korea's initiated abduction case was adopted as background massage in propaganda of Japan 4. Using model of propaganda these conclusions were revealed: a Propaganda structure in Japan involved not only governmental institution, but also non governmental ones. b. Japanese society identified as main propaganda target group. c. Identified means of distributing propaganda: Japanese media, internet, official governmental statements. d. Megumi Yokota abduction case become symbol of propaganda on abduction cases. e. Evaluated ties between government and society showed that propaganda is efficient.

Problem of this master thesis is how propaganda of Japan regards North Korea initiated Japanese abductions is distributed and what are the consequences of this propaganda is in general. Subject in the final thesis is propaganda of Japan in 2002 – 2011: North Korea initiated Japanese abduction case. Objective of this research is to analyze North Korea initiated Japanese abductions and following it clarify structure of Japanese government propaganda, its distribution techniques and results. To reach this objective these following tasks are made: 1. define propaganda concept and ways of propaganda distribution based on theoretic scientific literature analysis and prepare model of Japanese propaganda analysis. 2. Highlight assumptions of Japanese governmental propaganda development in 1971 – 2005. 3. Accomplish research analysis based on model of propaganda of Japan. 4. Analyze Japanese government propaganda on North Korea initiated Japanese abduction case influence to Japanese society. In this research three methods are used: description, comparative and analytical methods. Accomplished Japanese propaganda analysis of this research led to these conclusions: 1. based on comparative analysis of Lithuanian and foreign authors on concept, sorts and ways of distributing propaganda, and G.S. Jowett ir V. O'Donnell 10 steps of propaganda analysis method, 7 steps model of propaganda of Japan is shaped. 2. From propaganda development context based on Japan's and North Korea's relation background in 1971 -2005, source of Japanese propaganda revealed: neo-conservative attitude prime ministers and LDP right wing fraction. 3. North Korea's initiated abduction case was adopted as background massage in propaganda of Japan 4. Using model of propaganda these conclusions were revealed: a Propaganda structure in Japan involved not only governmental institution, but also non governmental ones. b. Japanese society identified as main propaganda target group. c. Identified means of distributing propaganda: Japanese media, internet, official governmental statements. d. Megumi Yokota abduction case become symbol of propaganda on abduction cases. e. Evaluated ties between government and society showed that propaganda is efficient.

Problem of this master thesis is how propaganda of Japan regards North Korea initiated Japanese abductions is distributed and what are the consequences of this propaganda is in general. Subject in the final thesis is propaganda of Japan in 2002 – 2011: North Korea initiated Japanese abduction case. Objective of this research is to analyze North Korea initiated Japanese abductions and following it clarify structure of Japanese government propaganda, its distribution techniques and results. To reach this objective these following tasks are made: 1. define propaganda concept and ways of propaganda distribution based on theoretic scientific literature analysis and prepare model of Japanese propaganda analysis. 2. Highlight assumptions of Japanese governmental propaganda development in 1971 – 2005. 3. Accomplish research analysis based on model of propaganda of Japan. 4. Analyze Japanese government propaganda on North Korea initiated Japanese abduction case influence to Japanese society. In this research three methods are used: description, comparative and analytical methods. Accomplished Japanese propaganda analysis of this research led to these conclusions: 1. based on comparative analysis of Lithuanian and foreign authors on concept, sorts and ways of distributing propaganda, and G.S. Jowett ir V. O'Donnell 10 steps of propaganda analysis method, 7 steps model of propaganda of Japan is shaped. 2. From propaganda development context based on Japan's and North Korea's relation background in 1971 -2005, source of Japanese propaganda revealed: neo-conservative attitude prime ministers and LDP right wing fraction. 3. North Korea's initiated abduction case was adopted as background massage in propaganda of Japan 4. Using model of propaganda these conclusions were revealed: a Propaganda structure in Japan involved not only governmental institution, but also non governmental ones. b. Japanese society identified as main propaganda target group. c. Identified means of distributing propaganda: Japanese media, internet, official governmental statements. d. Megumi Yokota abduction case become symbol of propaganda on abduction cases. e. Evaluated ties between government and society showed that propaganda is efficient.

This Final Master thesis is designeded to investigate the Western political economy model applicability to change Asian model in its region. During the Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 Korea republic (further South Korea) asked the IMF financial aid and accepted all the conditions and made many reforms in the country. Those reforms were directed into liberalizing the market, open up to foreign investors and to create more attractive foreign direct investment (further FDI) climate in S.Korea. This was about to change theretofore exited Asian political economy model into more liberal Western model. The problem – could IMF reforms help to recover countries' economies more effective and sharply after the crisis? Could those IMF reforms be successfully adjusted into any environment? The object – political-economical indicators of Japan and S.Korea. Objective of investigation – to find out if IMF reforms in S.Korea helped to recover its economy more rapidly and successfully than in Japan, where IMF reforms were not implemented. From objective the hypothesis that after investigation will be confirmed or rejected appear: Hypothesis – IMF improved political-economical indicators in S.Korea more sharply than Japan, where the government did not implemented any IMF reforms. Regarding to the fact that IMF reforms were designeded to implement Western political economy model into Asia country – S.Korea, confirmation of the hypothesis would also prove that Western model could be successfully adapted into other totally diferent environment. Tasks: • To select specific aspects of political economy which could concretize the investigation; • To select specific case for investigation; • To analyse IMF role and reforms during the Asia Financial Crisis; • To compare impact of IMF reforms in S.Korea with Japan's case; • To confirm or reject the hypothesis. The methods of investigation. There are used comparative method, regression analysis with statistical "Gretl" program, correlation, using Microsoft Excel program and diferent sources analysis. The results: before the Asia crisis many indicators of Japan were much better that in S.Korea. After the Asia Financial Crisis when S.Korea's government implemented IMF reforms, the indicators of S.Korea improved much sharply than Japan's and were much better now than in Japan where no IMF reforms were implemented. The findings: the IMF reforms that were implemented into S.Korea after the Asia Financial Crisis successfully and sharply helped country to recover from stagnation. In Japan where Japan's government did not implemented any IMF reforms recovery was much slower. The IMF reforms initiated adaption of Western model in S.Korea and by that the hypothesis was confirmed – Western political economy model can be successfully ajusted into totally diferent environment. For further investigation some recommendations are given: • To analyse the employment rate in S.Korea's local and foreign capital companies. That could help to analyse the impact of IMF reforms on unemployment rate in long term; • To make a survey of foreign companies that made FDI into Japan and S.Korea before and after the crisis. This could help to find out what tangible effect of reforms that were made in Japan and S.Korea after the crisis for the reason to improve the climate for foreign investment was and what are the main weaknesses that remain.

This paper analyses the official position of the Japanese government towards international labour migration to Japan, and the response from foreigners living in Japan – certain survival strategies, such as niche employment and performative migration. Although one of the electoral bases of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party – small businesses – push for more import of labour force, the ruling elite uses its institutional autonomy to resist their pressures and sustain the current restrictive stance. The official discourse of the government normalises only high- and middle-class labour migration, while the migration of the working class is notably viewed as abnormal and undeserved. Responding to this attitude, foreigners tend to either resort to ethnic networks for survival, or demonstrate their emotional relationship to Japan or commitment. Although Japan is peculiar with its restrictive stance towards the mobility of labour, the way migrant labour is conceptualised, sorted and channelled is in many ways similar to that of other states, although seemingly more "radical". Thus, Japan presents an interesting case in developing theories of governmental responses to international labour migration.

This paper analyses the official position of the Japanese government towards international labour migration to Japan, and the response from foreigners living in Japan – certain survival strategies, such as niche employment and performative migration. Although one of the electoral bases of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party – small businesses – push for more import of labour force, the ruling elite uses its institutional autonomy to resist their pressures and sustain the current restrictive stance. The official discourse of the government normalises only high- and middle-class labour migration, while the migration of the working class is notably viewed as abnormal and undeserved. Responding to this attitude, foreigners tend to either resort to ethnic networks for survival, or demonstrate their emotional relationship to Japan or commitment. Although Japan is peculiar with its restrictive stance towards the mobility of labour, the way migrant labour is conceptualised, sorted and channelled is in many ways similar to that of other states, although seemingly more "radical". Thus, Japan presents an interesting case in developing theories of governmental responses to international labour migration.

This paper analyses the official position of the Japanese government towards international labour migration to Japan, and the response from foreigners living in Japan – certain survival strategies, such as niche employment and performative migration. Although one of the electoral bases of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party – small businesses – push for more import of labour force, the ruling elite uses its institutional autonomy to resist their pressures and sustain the current restrictive stance. The official discourse of the government normalises only high- and middle-class labour migration, while the migration of the working class is notably viewed as abnormal and undeserved. Responding to this attitude, foreigners tend to either resort to ethnic networks for survival, or demonstrate their emotional relationship to Japan or commitment. Although Japan is peculiar with its restrictive stance towards the mobility of labour, the way migrant labour is conceptualised, sorted and channelled is in many ways similar to that of other states, although seemingly more "radical". Thus, Japan presents an interesting case in developing theories of governmental responses to international labour migration.

This paper analyses the official position of the Japanese government towards international labour migration to Japan, and the response from foreigners living in Japan – certain survival strategies, such as niche employment and performative migration. Although one of the electoral bases of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party – small businesses – push for more import of labour force, the ruling elite uses its institutional autonomy to resist their pressures and sustain the current restrictive stance. The official discourse of the government normalises only high- and middle-class labour migration, while the migration of the working class is notably viewed as abnormal and undeserved. Responding to this attitude, foreigners tend to either resort to ethnic networks for survival, or demonstrate their emotional relationship to Japan or commitment. Although Japan is peculiar with its restrictive stance towards the mobility of labour, the way migrant labour is conceptualised, sorted and channelled is in many ways similar to that of other states, although seemingly more "radical". Thus, Japan presents an interesting case in developing theories of governmental responses to international labour migration.

The idea of a country's umbrella image is a very important notion in the communication of a present country image, recently widely discussed by country branding and public diplomacy specialists. It emphasises the ideological, symbolical and institutional unification of the country's image communication. This paper researches the case of Japan from the aspect of implementation of the umbrella image idea, and is based on the newest empirical research (expert interviews with the people, dealing with public diplomacy of Japan) conducted in 2009. Presently, four institutions, i.e. the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Japan Foundation, the Agency for Cultural Affairs and the Intellectual Property Policy Headquarters are the main actors in Japan's public diplomacy practices. The research shows their mutual interconnections, differences and functional places in the overall whole. Moreover, the recent efforts of the Government to implement the umbrella image are introduced, and the success of these efforts is discussed.

The idea of a country's umbrella image is a very important notion in the communication of a present country image, recently widely discussed by country branding and public diplomacy specialists. It emphasises the ideological, symbolical and institutional unification of the country's image communication. This paper researches the case of Japan from the aspect of implementation of the umbrella image idea, and is based on the newest empirical research (expert interviews with the people, dealing with public diplomacy of Japan) conducted in 2009. Presently, four institutions, i.e. the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Japan Foundation, the Agency for Cultural Affairs and the Intellectual Property Policy Headquarters are the main actors in Japan's public diplomacy practices. The research shows their mutual interconnections, differences and functional places in the overall whole. Moreover, the recent efforts of the Government to implement the umbrella image are introduced, and the success of these efforts is discussed.

The idea of a country's umbrella image is a very important notion in the communication of a present country image, recently widely discussed by country branding and public diplomacy specialists. It emphasises the ideological, symbolical and institutional unification of the country's image communication. This paper researches the case of Japan from the aspect of implementation of the umbrella image idea, and is based on the newest empirical research (expert interviews with the people, dealing with public diplomacy of Japan) conducted in 2009. Presently, four institutions, i.e. the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Japan Foundation, the Agency for Cultural Affairs and the Intellectual Property Policy Headquarters are the main actors in Japan's public diplomacy practices. The research shows their mutual interconnections, differences and functional places in the overall whole. Moreover, the recent efforts of the Government to implement the umbrella image are introduced, and the success of these efforts is discussed.