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The article distinguishes two ways in which Heidegger can be a subject of research. In one type of research, he is a historical figure of political events, & as such a subject of history as a science. Such research has to satisfy the scientific criteria of historiographical method regardless of how critically it treats its subject. In the second type, the subject are Heidegger's work & the philosophical motives of his political involvement at the start of the Nazi regime in 1933/34. An analysis has in both cases come up with some sloppy scientific procedures & shown that frequently the a priori assumptions get the upper hand, & tend to lean in favour of proving his guilt. A brief introductory overview of the debate is followed by a concise historical outline of the stages in this controversy, & then by an excursus about the essence of the scientific method, & finally by a critical review of the works of some historians which serves the author to demonstrate how it is possible for research to get off the right track when not respecting the criteria & the standards of the scientific method. The second part focuses on the question of the interpretation of the relationship between philosophy & political activism. The thesis (with critical references to some recent ideas by Fried, Kisiel, Thoma) is that the philosophical motives of Heidegger's "leap" into politics should primarily be sought in the methodological dimensions of his work, primarily in those linked to the problems of grounding, & not so much in certain notional concordances of his categories with the Nazi terminology & concepts. 54 References. Adapted from the source document.

Christian Zionism is a political and religious phenomenon which has shaped the current Middle East to a very significant degree. Prompted by their religious beliefs, Christians played an important role in facilitating Jewish return to Zion, and in subsequent establishment, justification and defense of the State of Israel. Faith as motive behind Christian support of Israel became a more discussed topic during the recent years. That phenomenon was, however, usually superficially explored, particularly in Europe, where it was often perceived as a new and bizarre American excess, prompted by some other, non-religious and obscure interests. By inquiry in its history, this article demonstrates that such a view of Christian Zionism is largely incorrect. Christian Zionism can be traced all the way back to early 19th-century European and American Christian Evangelical movements. It grew out of a certain view of ecclesiology and literal interpretation of the Bible. The article suggests some explanations for reasons why it took so long for Christian Zionism to become recognized as a political and religious phenomenon, and argues that Christian Zionism by mid-20th century underwent a profound transformation. From an eschatological, proselytizing evangelistic movement it became more focused on ideology and geopolitical circumstances. The movement is still based on Christian religion, but support to the Jewish state is not focused on end-time prophecies any more. Among the main themes of the movement's current phase are recognition of Jewish and Christian common roots and civilizational proximity, fulfillment of Old Testament promises to Jews, resistance to global jihad, and Christian remorse for the horrors of the Holocaust. In conclusion, Christian Zionism is probably an unprecedented interfaith phenomenon, which is, in spite of being complex, multifaceted, and multilayered, genuinely and primarily religious. Adapted from the source document.

Iskustvo Drugoga židovskoga ustanka protiv Rimljana znatno je utjecalo na susljedni razvoj židovske misli u pitanjima mesijanizma i eshatologije. Mesijanizam je u srednjostrujaškom židovstvu postao pasivan, što se odrazilo na političke ambicije obnove židovske državnosti, koje su nakon 135. skoro potpuno splasnule. Posljedice ustanka zbog židovskoga su shvaćanja povijesti kao relevantne za teološku epistemologiju dovele do vjerski utemeljenoga političkoga kvijetizma, zbog kojega je vjerski židovski stav prema cionizmu sve do nedavno odražavao izrazitu nesklonost. Do promjene u tom stavu počelo je dolaziti iz istoga razloga, a to je povijesno iskustvo osnutka i obrane Države Izrael. ; The second Jewish revolt against the Romans has significantly influenced the shaping of subsequent Jewish messianic and eschatological thought. Largely due to the Revolt, mainstream Judaism has adopted a passive messianic attitude, and Jewish ambitions to reestablish statehood in Palestine has almost entirely subsided. Historical experience of the Bar–Kokhba revolt combined with the Jewish perception of history, as relevant to theological epistemology, has produced faith–based political quietism which marked Judaism for centuries. The attitude of religious Jews to political Zionism, when it first appeared, was very averse and remained such until rather recently. Change in the attitude was prompted by the same reason, which is historical experience of the establishment and defense of the State of Israel.

U članku su opisane ključne ranoislamske tradicije prema kojima se Jeruzalem smatra trećim po važnosti svetim gradom u islamu. Iz perspektive vjerskih, međuvjerskih, političkih i povijesnih okolnosti analiziran je njihov sadržaj te su razmotreni mogući razlozi za nastanak tih tradicija. Pozornost je posvećena tekstualnim i materijalnim vrelima, razini njihove autentičnosti, datiranju, te njihovu tumačenju od strane uglednih orijentalista i povjesničara umjetnosti. U članku su obrađene pojedinačne teme, kao što je Jeruzalem u islamskim kanonskim tekstovima, Muhamedovo noćno putovanje u el-Aksu, legende o Omarovu osvajanju Jeruzalema, imena Jeruzalema u djelima ranoislamskih ljetopisaca, uloga Židova i židovskih obraćenika u nastanku ranoislamskih tradicija te izgradnja, ukrasi, inskripcije i simbolika Kupole nad Stijenom. Autor u zaključku razmatra pitanje u kolikoj je mjeri religijsko čašćenje Jeruzalema u islamu povezano s autohtonim ranoislamskim vjerskim tradicijama, a u kojoj s ranom muslimansko-židovskom interakcijom te političkim procesima, od unutarislamskoga raskola u vrijeme prelaska rašidunske vlasti na umajadsku i Abdul-Malikova sukoba s hidžaskim kalifom el-Zubeirom, preko Križarskih ratova, do današnjega arapsko-izraelskog sukoba. ; The article describes major early Islamic traditions in which Jerusalem has been designated as the third holiest city in Islam. Their content has been analyzed based on the historical context and religious, inter-religious and political circumstances in which they were forged. Particular attention has been paid to textual and material sources, their authenticity, dating and their interpretation by prominent orientalists and art historians. The article addresses specific themes, such as Jerusalem in Islamic canonical texts, Muhammad's Night Journey to al-Aqṣā, the legends of Caliph 'Umar's conquest of Jerusalem, names for Jerusalem in Early Islamic chronicles, the influence of Jews and Jewish converts on early Islamic traditions, and the construction, symbolism, ornaments, and inscriptions of the Dome of the Rock. In the concluding remarks the author considers the question of to what degree attributing holiness to Jerusalem in Islam has been based on autochthonous early Islamic religious traditions, and to what degree on Muslim-Jewish interaction in Palestine, political processes, such as fitnah during early Umayyad rule, 'Abd al-Malik's struggle with Caliph Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hejaz, the Crusades, and the present-day Arab-Israeli conflict.

U ovom radu autorica piše o povratu židovske imovine u Hrvatskoj, od devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća do danas. Zbog nedorečenih zakona te sporosti hrvatskog sudstva pitanje povrata židovske imovine još uvijek nije riješeno, a uglavnom se aktualizira kada se netko od hrvatskih vlasti sastaje s nekim iz Izraela ili američke administracije. Prema sadašnjim aktualnim propisima jedina židovska imovina koju je moguće vratiti je ona oduzeta nakon 1945. godine, dok je imovina koja je oduzeta u vrijeme NDH ostala nedirnuta, odnosno "zaštićena" zakonima koji su doneseni još za vrijeme Jugoslavije. Sadašnji povrat oduzete imovine provodi se prema Zakonu o naknadi za imovinu, oduzetu za vrijeme jugoslavenske komunističke vladavine, koji je stupio na snagu 1997. godine, pri čemu su pravo povrata ili naknade imali samo hrvatski državljani u prvom nasljednom redu. Zakon je dopunjen 2002., kada je odlučeno da i stranci imaju pravo povrata. Od 2002. godine očekuju se izmjene Zakona o naknadi, posebice one koje se tiču židovske imovine koja nema nasljednika, ali do danas nisu donesene. Točan broj zaprimljenih i riješenih zahtjeva još uvijek je neutvrđen. ; The author discusses the restitution of Jewish property in Croatia from the 1990s to the present. Due to vague laws and the sluggishness of the Croatian judiciary, the issue of the restitution of Jewish property has yet to be resolved. Generally, restitution only occurs when someone from the Croatian government meets with someone from Israel or the American administration. According to current regulations, the only Jewish property that can be returned is that confiscated after 1945, while property confiscated during the regime of the Independent State of Croatia has remained intact, i.e., "protected" by laws that were adopted at the time of the former Yugoslavia. The current restitution of property is being carried out according to the Law on the Restitution of Property Taken under the Yugoslav Communist Rule, which went into force in 1997, according to which only Croatian citizens and their direct heirs were eligible for restitution or compensation of property. The law was amended in 2002, when it was ruled that foreign claimants were entitled to restitution. Since 2002, amendments to this law have been anticipated, particularly regarding Jewish property in cases when there are no heirs, but nothing has been done so far. The precise numbers of claims received and resolved remain unclear.

Na Veliki petak 1494, 28. ožujka, u Sikstinskoj kapeli, pred papom Aleksandrom VI. (Borgiom) i članovima papinskog dvora rapski arhiđakon Martin Nimira održao je – dakako, na latinskom – propovijed o Muci; njezinu je pisanu verziju u travnju iste godine u Rimu tiskao Eucharius Silber. Propovijedati pred papom za vrijeme mise značajan je društveni uspjeh; objaviti održanu propovijed dodatno ističe njezinu važnost; pa ipak, Nimirin su život i djelo do danas u povijesti hrvatske i novolatinske književnosti neistraženi. Donijet ću ovdje osnovne podatke o Nimiri, društvenom kontekstu njegove propovijedi, o strukturi tog djela i njegovim kurijalno-humanističkim obilježjima te recepciji (knjižicu je posjedovao Marko Marulić, a 1522. nekoliko je Nimirinih stranica u svoje djelo uvrstio Giovanni Mercurio da Vipera). ; On Good Friday 1494, Martin Nimira, archdeacon of Rab and scion of a wellregarded Rab family, delivered a sermon on the Passion to Pope Alexander VI and members of the papal curia. After April 3 that same year the sermon was printed in Rome by Eucharius Silber. Nimira built his career in the Papal States of Italy as a client of the cardinal of Siena Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini (1439–1503); some years earlier, in March 1487, Nimira had already preached before the Roman cardinals, on the feast of Saint Thomas Aquinas in the Dominican church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Nimira's known writings and activities (a poetic prayer for the health of the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini Hecatosticum carmen ad Christum optimum maximum pro cardinalis Senensis salute, perhaps in 1488; his copyediting of the Politics of Aristotle translated by Leonardo Bruni and commented on by Thomas Aquinas and Ludovico Valenza, 1492) suggest Nimira was a curial humanist, dependent on the patronage of the Roman court and its cardinals. Nimira's sermon on the Passion, in the printed edition dedicated to the cardinal Bernardin López de Carvajal (d. 1523), bishop of Cartagena, Spain, displays Nimira's learning, his command of theological, philosophical and lyrical registers of expression, as well as oratorical elegance and a readiness to adopt Cicero's rhetorical models (sentences from speeches Against Verres 2, 5, For Publius Quinctius and For Aulus Cluentius, as well as the famous fragment of Gaius Gracchus reported by Cicero in On the Orator). The sermon has an introduction, two main parts, and a short closing prayer for God's mercy, especially to the Pope. The first part is philosophical (in Nimira's words, stemming from ingenium), the second part lyrical (arising from pietas). The philosophical part considers the necessity of Christ's Passion and death, touching also on the suffering of the good and the success of the evil in this world, while the lyrical part shows how Christ suffered and died. There is a prosopopoeia of the Virgin Mary, and the piercing of Christ's body is seen as the culmination of his suffering. The Jews (including Judas Iscariot) are presented as the main enemies, their faith as utterly wrong and depraved (confirmation is presented in a collage of biblical quotes), and the piercing of Christ's body is seen as their most terrible crime. The extremely strong antisemitic tone of Nimira's sermon might have been set partly by the tradition of the liturgical Improperia as part of the observance of the Passion, partly by the rhetorical need to contrast blame (of the Jews) and praise (of Christ), but possibly also by the antisemitic leanings in the circle of Nimira's acquaintances: these must have included Antonio Lollio, the secretary of the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini, who had already in 1486 composed another highly antisemitic sermon before the Pope, and the Dominican Paolo Moneglia from Genova, who as the magister Sacri palatii chose Nimira as the preacher for the Good Friday of 1494; in April of the same year Moneglia was appointed inquisitor of the March of Genoa, which was under strain because of the influx of large numbers of Sephardic Jews and Marranos expelled from Spain and Sicily (later, in Rome in 1498, Moneglia led a spectacular auto da fé of several hundred Marranos in front of St. Peter's Basilica). The success of Nimira's sermon can be inferred from the privileges granted to his family by the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini later in 1494, from the relatively large number of printed copies of Nimira's small book that survive today (32 in public libraries), from the record of Nimira's preaching in the diaries of Johannes Burchard, papal Master of Ceremonies, and from those who read Nimira's sermon during the Renaissance: we know that a copy of the sermon was owned by Marko Marulić, and that Giovanni Mercurio da Vipera (bishop of Bagnoregio 1523–1527) quoted extensively from the philosophical part of the sermon in his Contra a recto divini cultus itinere aberrantes (Rome 1522). We present an edition of Nimira's sermon following a digital facsimile of a copy in Bavarian State Library. In the edition, the abbreviations are expanded, orthographic variants of ae, u and i are removed, the punctuation is modernized, the spelling and capitalization standardized. Nimira's explicit and implicit textual sources are identified wherever possible.

Ovaj diplomski rad bavi se razdobljem pozitivizma u Poljskoj koje je trajalo od 1863. do 1890. godine. U radu se opisuje društveno-politička situacija u Europi i njezin utjecaj na Poljsku koja je još 1795. bila podijeljena na austrijski, pruski i ruski dio. Objašnjavaju se zatim temeljni pojmovi programa poljskog pozitivizma. Osim društveno-političke scene, riječ je i o pozitivizmu u poljskoj književnosti, o vrstama književnosti kao što su tendenciozna i agitacijska književnost, te o cenzuri. Pozitivizam u sociologiji utemeljio je Auguste Comte u svome djelu "Zakon triju stadija". Poljski pozitivisti preuzeli su neke vrijednosti i prilagodili pozitivizam svojim potrebama. Promjene u Europi potaknule su politička previranja u Poljskoj: želju za asimilacijom Židova, ali i rast antisemitizma te emancipacija žena i seljaka. Prikazani su također problemi društvenih skupina koje nisu imale status poljskog plemstva. ; This graduate thesis deals with the period of positivism in Poland (1863 – 1890). The theisis addresses the socio-political situation in Europe and its impact in Poland, which was divided in 1795 into Austrian, Prussian and Russian part. The basic concepts of the Polish positivism program are explained. Apart from the socio-political scene, it is also about positivism in Polish literature, about types of literature such as tendentious and agitational literature, and about censorship. Positivism in sociology was founded by Auguste Comte in his work "The Law of the Three Stages". Polish positivists have taken on some values and adapted positivism to their needs. Changes in Europe have fueled political turmoil in Poland: the desire to assimilate Jews, but also the rise of anti-Semitism and the emancipation of women and peasants. Problems of social groups that did not have the status of Polish nobility are also presented.

U svibnju 1841. godine otvorena je pri Židovskoj općini u Zagrebu prva škola, Bildungsschule, i prvi učitelj bio je Karl Saphir. U Varaždinu je tada već postojala škola sa 65 učenika. Troškovi škole namirivali su se školarinom i dobrovoljnim prilozima, a siromašni đaci bili su oslobođeni plaćanja. U listopadu 1855, nakon kraće stanke, otvorena je u Židovskoj općini Trivialschule sa tri razreda. Podučavani su njemački jezik i hebrejski predmeti. Jezik u nastavi u školama Hrvatske bio je odraz političkih prilika. Dok se u pučkim školama dozvoljavao "zemaljski pučki jezik", u gimnazijama se učilo na stranim jezicima. Tako je 1848. u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji nastavni jezik latinski s obveznim mađarskim. 1849/50 uveden je "ilirski jezik" s obveznim njemačkim. Poslije je njemački jezik proširen i na nastavu povijesti, prirodopisa, matematike i fizike. Ilirski jezik je službeni do 1854, a poslije se uvodi hrvatski, ali samo za učenje hrvatskog jezika i vjeronauka. U Rijeci je u školama neko vrijeme ilirski i talijanski jezik, a od 1854/55 njemački. ; The first Jewish schools in Croatia were founded in Varaždin and Zagreb, and later in Osijek. At first, they were under the control of the Catholic Church as were other Croatian schools. In 1851/52 there were four Jewish schools with 131 pupils and in 1853/54 the number of pupils amounted to 277. The first Jewish school was established in Zagreb in 1841 and in 1889 it was moved to a new Community building containing four classrooms. The first director was Rabbi Dr Hosea Jakobi. Besides the obligatory curriculum, pupils learnt the Bible, holiday customs and the Hebrew language. For pupils at other elementary schools in Zagreb religious education was conducted several times a week and secondary school pupils went to the Jewish community once a week to attend classes. Great attention was paid to the education of children and the young: support and scholarships were given; boarding schools, centres and canteens were founded. There were many youths and student's societies, for example, The Jewish Society for Supporting Poor Students, Judea, Esperanza (the Sephardim), Literary section and Credit cooperative "EZRA" and other organizations. In 1929/1920 the Jewish communities in Croatia numbered over 500 elementary pupils, over 1,000 secondary school pupils and more than 250 students at the University of Zagreb, mainly studying law and medicine (girls made up a quarter of this number). In the centres of Jewish communities secondary schools were attended by pupils from neighbouring villages and meals were organized for them (Tage esen) in Jewish families. Teachers from Jewish communities went to surrounding villages and organized religious education. Many libraries and cultural, music and other activities were organized for children and youth in the communities. ; Tekst je objavljen u knjizi "Židovi u Hrvatskoj - židovske zajednice", Zagreb, 2004, str. 141-145 (the text was published in the book "Jews in Croatia - Jewish Communities", Zagreb, 2004, pp. 141-145).