In dem vorliegenden Teil II wird die zweite Etappe der Integrierung des tschechischen Staates in den westeuropäischen Zivilisationskreis behandelt - von dem Tod des Heiligen Wenzels (um 930) bis zum Tod von Karl IV. In diesem Zeitraum verzeichneten die böhmischen Länder außergewöhnliche wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Erfolge. Unter der Herrschaft des deutschen Kaisers und tschechischen Königs Karl IV umfaßte dann das Heilige Römische Reich außer dem Gebiet des heutigen Deutschlands große Teile fast aller angrenzenden Länder - und an der Spitze der damals größten Integrationsgruppierung stand der tschechische Staat. Der Autor führt es in erster Linie darauf zurück, daß die damalige tschechische Politik die Integrationsdoktrin des Hauses der Primisliden konsequent anwandte. Zudem waren es geographische und geopolitische Vorteile Böhmens, die das Land zu dem stärksten und stabilsten Bestandteil der Reichsintegration gemacht haben. (BIOst-Hrs)
Aus der offiziellen Haltung der Bundesrepublik wie auch aus dem Konsensus in der öffentlichen Diskussion ergeben sich folgende Ziele und Bestrebungen der deutschen Aussenpolitik für das 21. Jahrhundert: a) Die Aufrechterhaltung des strategischen Engagement der USA in Europa, b) die größtmögliche Zusammenarbeit mit Rußland bei gleichzeitiger Abwehr seiner Vetorecht-Versuche in Angelegenheiten des Westens, c) die Stärkung der Europäischen Union als der wichtigsten Basis für wirtschaftliche Prosperität und politische Stabilität der BRD. Im Rahmen dieses Konsensus gibt es aber im Hinblick auf die EU-Problematik unterschiedliche Meinungen. Sie betreffen u.a. die Einstellung zur Währungsunion, das Verständnis spezifisch deutscher Interessen, den Umfang und das Tempo der Verankerung postkommunistischer Länder Mittel- und Osteuropa in die EU, die optimale Balance zwischen der nationalen Identität und dem Bewußtsein des Europäertums. Die Verantwortung gebietet, die essentielle politische Dimension der EU als des europäischen Friedensstifters zu entfalten. (BIOst-Hrs)
Das erste revolutionäre Jahr nach der Befreiung des Landes - das "Jahr der Benes-Dekrete" - hat sein Siegel nicht nur der Etappe vor der kommunistischen Machtübernahme 1948 eingeprägt. Auch in nachfolgenden Jahrzenten gab es ein breites nationales Konsensus darüber, daß die ausgedehnten Eigentumskonfiskationen rechtens seien. Der öffentlichen Meinung nach bildeten sie die Grundlage einer gerechten Gesellschaft, die von innen her vor allem gegen die Deutsche (durch deren Aussiedlung) und von außen her durch die größte slawische Macht (die UdSSR) gesichert werden müße. Dieses Einvernehmen spiegelt sich auch noch in den zur Zeit der samtenen Revolution 1989 durchgeführten Unfragen, als sich 41% der Befragten für den sozialistischen Weg, 52% für einen dritten Weg, jedoch nur 3% für den kapitalistischen Weg aussprachen. Dies waren fast die gleichen Ergebnisse wie vor der Wende. Derselbe Konservativismus machte sich in der Einstellung zu der Nachriegsbehandlung der Deutschen bemerkbar, obwohl diesbezügliche Dekrete - die der Verfasser näher analysiert - untragbar seien. (BIOst-Hrs)
The paper is concerned with the economic theory of George Stigler. First part outlines the life of George Stigler. Second part examines his dissertation "Production and Distribution Theories" (1941). Third part discusses his textbook "The Theory of Price" (1946). Fourth part is devoted to his "Essays in the History of Economics" (1965). Fifth part analyzes the work "The Organization of Industry" (1968). Sixth part explains "The Theory of Economic Regulation" (1971). Seventh part discusses Stigler's book "The Citizen and the State" (1975). Eighth part presents his autobiography "Memoirs of an Unregulated Economist" (1988). Stigler has become famous thanks to articles "Economics of Information" (1961) and "Theory of Economic Regulation" (1971), which says that interest groups and other political participants will use the regulatory and coercive powers of government to shape laws and regulations in a way that is beneficial to them. Adapted from the source document.
This historical essay describes Emperor Franz Joseph's visits to the Czech lands. Both the Monarch's image and the people's attitude to his stays in Bohemia and Moravia during his long reign (1848–1916) were prone to change. Following his coronation the young ruler dissolved the Constituent Assembly and returned Austria to Absolute Rule. His popularity declined sharply even though the Czechs supported the Habsburgs during the 1848/49 revolutionary uprising. He was welcomed in Bohemia after his wedding in 1854 but this was fuelled by the hope that the current harsh rule would grow more lenient. Once constitutional rule was reinstated, Czech politicians attempted to entice Franz Joseph to hold his coronation ceremony in Bohemia. In this they did not succeed. During the final decades of his rule the emperor acquired the benign image of an "Old Monarch" and this despite the fact that Czech attachment to the monarchy had weakened considerably over time. Nevertheless the Czech people sincerely liked their Emperor and his visits were always occasions for national celebration. During these visits the aged Monarch would address old war veterans and young children and these meticulously recorded conversations formed an integral part of his official cult.
The article tries to evaluate the Europeanization research agenda from the point of view of a politics-sphere A basic precondition for understanding the character of the political systems in East-European countries after the Second World War is to define the key concepts, especially different types of non-democratic regimes. In other words, we must know what "totalitarianism", and "authoritarianism" means, and how we should approach studying these species. According to empirical and analytical methods, we consider them both as ways of governing, as types of political systems and not something else (e.g. ideology, a way of thinking, etc.). Eastern Europe after 1944, with some exceptions, was not totalitarian and is better described as quasi-totalitarian or authoritarian. However by the term "quasi-totalitarianism" we do not mean a subtype of "post-totalitarianism" (as Juan J. Linz does), but as a separate category of non-democratic regime. Of course it is necessary to take into account the differences existing among particular countries as well as differences "inside" these countries, meaning their unique historical development. This is evident in the case study portion of this article which describes the political system of Poland 1944-1989. Adapted from the source document.
The author uses the concept of reconciliation processes/reconciliation issues, which is usually used in the environment of churches or in applied theological discourses respectively, in connection with the specific contribution of Christian churches to the historical settlement & reconciliation among the European states & nations after the 2nd World War, especially in Central Europe. He analyses & compares in detail the Polish-German & Czech-German issues. While thanks to the important position of the Church (or churches) in the Polish & German societies, these activities (or initiatives) met with a great response as early as the 1960s -- and gained a great importance also on the official level of the (West-)German-Polish relations, in the Czechoslovak-(West-)German relations, this factor long remained absent or entirely marginal. But after the political change(s) of 1989 the churches became involved in the shaping of the newly formed bilateral relations between the unified Germany & the successor states of former Czechoslovakia & greatly contributed to their having a deeper anchorage in Europe. The author backs up in a detailed way the relevance of this phenomenon, especially in Czech-German relations (or generally in church initiatives/activities with a German participation), but less so in the mutual relations (and initiatives) between the Central European churches. On the contrary, the previously highly visible church engagement in the Polish-German case fell off in the 1990s. The Central European churches gradually naturally realized again the advantages & difficulties of their role as a trans-national/non-state actor -- and as one of the important players of the so-called public diplomacy. This role culminated in the 1990s in connection with their social & political emancipation in the post-communist states -- and at the same time it started to dwindle in importance as a consequence of the secularization processes which accelerated considerably & often a surprisingly during the 1990s (and also in the subsequent years) in this part of Europe. Adapted from the source document.
The paper evaluates some policy dilemmas the Czech monetary policy will face on the way towards adopting common currency. The assessment of the inflation criterion concentrates on the potential clash with so called real convergence showing that alleged negative influences on the catching-up process seem to be exaggerated. The reasons leading to some scepticism about the ERM-II arrangement are further explained with distinction placed on eligibility & regime selection motives when applying for the ERM-II membership. Finally, the pros & cons of inflation targeting are discussed from the perspective of promoting the fulfilment of Maastricht requirements. Attention is paid to the issue of optimal exit form inflation targeting having in mind the priority of entering Eurozone with a proper conversion rate. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
This article inquires into the connection between individualisation and environmental issues. Following an introduction to the topic in the opening of the article in chapters II and III the author provides a definition of some basic concepts and asks whether and how the relationship between individualisation and environmental issues is reflected in sociological literature. In chapter IV the author formulates a general framework that in chapter V gives insight into the inconsistent conception of individualisation in environmental ideologies. The article closes with chapter VI, in which, with the aid of a theoretical sociological framework, the author formulates some themes for studying the environmental aspects of the individualised lifestyle.
This essay starts from the argument that the first question preceding any meaningful scientific inquiry is one of a purpose & mission of scientific enterprise as such. Taking a historizing approach, it indicates that the nineteenth century positivist philosophy was built precisely around these questions, while it was precisely these questions again that were abandoned after the general acceptance of positivism in the USA during & after World War II. The essay then argues that IR realism, when aligned with the person & legacy of Hans J. Morgenthau, is a priori incompatible with both the original positivist philosophy & the positivism that eventually appeared in the USA with regard to questions of the "mission of science." Following this, the essay shows the consequences of the spread of positivism for IR. Adapted from the source document.
Slovak Republic entered the ERM II in the end of 2005 whereby it came nearer to its strategic objective -- joining the euro area. In this paper we try to answer two questions. Section 1 examines the features and risks of the EMU. Is EMU an optimum currency area and what is the OCA scorecard of euro area? We conclude that euro area -- in spite of its indisputable benefits -- is rather a premature monetary union with asymmetric monetary policy effects and other policy asymmetries. Section 2 analyzes possible effects of the EMU on the Slovak economy. We examine the experience of other countries and compare their real convergence to average level of euro area before and after joining the EMU. The readiness of Slovak economy for euro adoption, possible obstacles on this uneasy way and the connection between income level, price level and real convergence are analysed at the end of the paper. Adapted from the source document.
