Background. Schools unequivocally privilege solo-teaching. This research seeks to enhance our understanding of team-teaching by examining how two teachers, working in the same classroom at the same time, might or might not contribute to the promotion of inclusive learning. There are well-established policy statements that encourage change and moves towards the use of team-teaching to promote greater inclusion of students with special educational needs in mainstream schools and mainstream classrooms. What is not so well established is the practice of team-teaching in post-primary settings, with little research conducted to date on how it can be initiated and sustained, and a dearth of knowledge on how it impacts upon the students and teachers involved. Research questions and aims. In light of the paucity and inconclusive nature of the research on team-teaching to date (Hattie, 2009), the orientating question in this study asks 'To what extent, can the introduction of a formal team-teaching initiative enhance the quality of inclusive student learning and teachers' learning at post-primary level?' The framing of this question emerges from ongoing political, legal and educational efforts to promote inclusive education. The study has three main aims. The first aim of this study is to gather and represent the voices and experiences of those most closely involved in the introduction of team-teaching; students, teachers, principals and administrators. The second aim is to generate a theory-informed understanding of such collaborative practices and how they may best be implemented in the future. The third aim is to advance our understandings regarding the day-to-day, and moment-to-moment interactions, between teachers and students which enable or inhibit inclusive learning. Sample. In total, 20 team-teaching dyads were formed across seven project schools. The study participants were from two of the seven project schools, Ash and Oak. It involved eight teachers and 53 students, whose age ranged from 12-16 years old, with 4 teachers forming two dyads per school. In Oak there was a class of first years (n=11) with one dyad and a class of transition year students (n=24) with the other dyad. In Ash one class group (n=18) had two dyads. The subjects in which the dyads engaged were English and Mathematics. Method. This research adopted an interpretive paradigm. The duration of the fieldwork was from April 2007 to June 2008. Research methodologies included semi-structured interviews (n=44), classroom observation (n=20), attendance at monthly teacher meetings (n=6), questionnaires and other data gathering practices which included school documentation, assessment findings and joint examination of student work samples (n=4). Results. Team-teaching involves changing normative practices, and involves placing both demands and opportunities before those who occupy classrooms (teachers and students) and before those who determine who should occupy these classrooms (principals and district administrators). This research shows how team-teaching has the potential to promote inclusive learning, and when implemented appropriately, can impact positively upon the learning experiences of both teachers and students. The results are outlined in two chapters. In chapter four, Social Capital Theory is used in framing the data, the change process of bonding, bridging and linking, and in capturing what the collaborative action of team-teaching means, asks and offers teachers; within classes, between classes, between schools and within the wider educational community. In chapter five, Positioning Theory deductively assists in revealing the moment-to-moment, dynamic and inclusive learning opportunities, that are made available to students through team-teaching. In this chapter a number of vignettes are chosen to illustrate such learning opportunities. These two theories help to reveal the counter-narrative that team-teaching offers, regarding how both teachers and students teach and learn. This counter-narrative can extend beyond the field of special education and include alternatives to the manner in which professional development is understood, implemented, and sustained in schools and classrooms. Team-teaching repositions teachers and students to engage with one another in an atmosphere that capitalises upon and builds relational trust and shared cognition. However, as this research study has found, it is wise that the purposes, processes and perceptions of team-teaching are clear to all so that team-teaching can be undertaken by those who are increasingly consciously competent and not merely accidentally adequate. Conclusions. The findings are discussed in the context of the promotion of effective inclusive practices in mainstream settings. I believe that such promotion requires more nuanced understandings of what is being asked of, and offered to, teachers and students. Team-teaching has, and I argue will increasingly have, its place in the repertoire of responses that support effective inclusive learning. To capture and extend such practice requires theoretical frameworks that facilitate iterative journeys between research, policy and practice. Research to date on team-teaching has been too focused on outcomes over short timeframes and not focused enough on the process that is team-teaching. As a consequence team-teaching has been under-used, under-valued, under-theorised and generally not very well understood. Moving from classroom to staff room and district board room, theoretical frameworks used in this research help to travel with, and understand, the initiation, engagement and early consequences of team-teaching within and across the educational landscape. Therefore, conclusions from this study have implications for the triad of research, practice and policy development where efforts to change normative practices can be matched by understandings associated with what it means to try something new/anew, and what it means to say it made a positive difference.
Background of the study: Leaving one's home can at times be hazardous, especially when unexpected occurrences take place. Simultaneously, the scale of human mobility is growing. No wonder that tourism has become more vulnerable (Seabra, Reis & Abrantes 2020). Global activity has grown, and so have the number and geographical range of terrorism attacks during periods. Inherent to this development is the growth of risk for individual travelers (Beck 1999). Tourists who relate a place to risk will be influenced in their destination and travel behavior (Reichel, Fuchs, & Uriely 2007; Adeloyde & Brown 2017; Ritchie & Jiang, 2019). In parallel to risk expansion comes an increasing awareness and attention to risk, (Cui, Liu, Chang, Duan and Li 2016). Yet the understanding of risk in tourism research is fragmented. This is astonishing, as one could argue that the concept of risk is inherent in the concept of travel (Williams & Balàz 2015). Purpose of the study: This contribution studies tourists' argumentations about risk and safety. How do tourists consider these terms in relation to their journeys? How do they argue about what these terms mean to them, and how terrorism influences their way of travel? This contribution aims to ascertain risk, and ultimately safety, in relation to terrorist attacks in tourism. This is beneficial because literature exhibits a high level of uncertainty, both regarding the interpretation of terms, and managerial actions on the spot. Methodology: We have accomplished semi-structured interviews with people who consider themselves common travellers. We asked about people's views on risk, safety and terrorism. We have been concerned to look beyond travelling patterns, with the intention to understand shared, basic assumptions behind people's travelling habits. The qualitative approach is motivated by our aim to understand people's reasoning about their attitudes. There are overwhelming results based on quantitative methods in previous research and this study does not intend to question them. Instead, this is a study in which qualitative interviews can contribute to explaining the previous results based on both qualitative and quantitative results, and to take them a step further. The empirical data consists of eight interviews with people living in Sweden. Results: The study asserts that the feelings of risk and safety are narrowly related. Travelling together with a trusted person is of importance for decreasing the feeling of risk, and for simultaneously increasing the feeling of safety. Fellow travelers who are calm in agitated situations, who preferably know the place, and who can offer help when needed, are major actors when it comes to keeping cool during the journey. But twitchy companions will achieve the opposite when they transfer their nervousness. Thus choosing a travel companion is a delicate mission for vacationers. In addition, not only fellow travelers are important, but friends and family at home, too. The reasons for omitting risky situations may not be the own life in the first place, but the fact that there is someone waiting for you at home. The birth of one's own children constitutes a turning point in people's risk perception, where risk is seen as something less desirable than before. Also age per se is influencing this. People's views on sites and countries differed between the interviewees. However there was a close relation to either cultural attitudes towards women, segregation of people or democratic traditions. The main reasons for not immediately visiting a place after a terrorists attack is not fear, but i) what could be described as respect for the people living there, ii) inconvenience because of supposed delays, and iii) that the stay not will be as they would like to when visiting a city in sorrow. Conclusions: Terrorism is not understood as a major threat during travel; this study achieved nuanced results in this issue. Put simply, terrorism is not in participants' minds when thinking aout their own safety. Terrorism exists, but doe not influence people's travel behaviors. In contrast, the interviewees do not consider travelling to places that are related to terrorism, war, or political instability. The most prevalent result in this study is that the perception of risk and safety is strongly interrelated. Rather than being related to risk, terrorism is linked to matters of inconvenience and respect. Research implications and limitations: In conjunction to earlier research studies pointing at disparate or contradicting results, this research contributes with its emphasis on complexity. Results implicate that research would benefit from amplifying the relationships between risk and safety; risk and place; risk and safety in relation to tourist behaviour before and during travel. One limitation is for sure the close geographical focus on merely Swedish participants in this study, which is why further case studies from other parts of the worls are called for. References: Beck, U. (1999). World risk society. Cambridge, Polity Press. Clayton, A., Mustelier, L. & Korstanje, M. (2014). Understanding Perceptions and Attitudes to Risk in the Tourism Industry. International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage 1(1) 51-65. Cui, F., Liu, Y., Chang, Y., Duan, J., & Li, J. (2016). An overview of tourism risk perception. Nat Hazards 82, 643-658. Reichel, A., Fuchs, G., & Uriely, N. (2007). Perceived risk and the non-institutionalized tourist role: The case of Israeli student ex-backpackers. Journal of Travel Research 46(2), 217-226. Ritchie, B.W., & Jiang, Y. (2019). A review of research on tourism risk, crisis and disaster management. Annals of Tourism Research 79, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2019.102812. Saha, S., & Yap, G. (2014). The moderation effects of political instability and terrorism on tourism development: a cross-country panel analysis. Journal of Travel Research 53(4), 509-521. Seabra, C., Reis, P., & Abrantes, J.L. (2020). The influence of terrorism in tourism arrivals: a longitudinal approach in a Mediterranean country. Annals of Tourism Research 80, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2019.102811. Wolff, K., & Larsen, S. (2014). Can terrorism make us feel safer? Risk perceptions and worries before and after the July 22nd attacks. Annals of Tourism Research 44, 200-209.
The authors use different data sets to investigate the dependence of transport costs on geography and infrastructure. Infrastructure is an important determinant of transport costs, especially for landlocked countries. Analysis of bilateral trade data confirms the importance of infrastructure and gives an estimate of the elasticity of trade flows with respect to the trade cost factor of around-3. A deterioration of infrastructure from the median to the 75th percentile raises transport costs by 12 percentage points and reduces trade volumes by 28 percent. Analysis of African trade flows indicates that their relatively low level is largely due to poor infrastructure.
Im Zentrum der Arbeit steht die Untersuchung der Konzepte Trauma und Zuhause in den Romanen der afroamerikanischen Schriftstellerin und Nobelpreisträgerin Toni Morrison. Die Verbindung des psychologischen Traumasymptoms mit dem geographischen und phenomenologischen Begriff des Zuhauses wird besonders deutlich in Morrisons Trilogie bestehend aus den Romanen Beloved, Jazz und Paradise. Morrisons geht davon aus, dass die Schaffung eines Zuhauses, sei es auf persönlicher oder nationaler Ebene, unmittelbar an die Kenntnis seiner Geschichte geknüpft ist. Die Kenntnis der räumlichen Koordinaten des Menschen ist sozusagen von der Kenntnis seiner historischen Koordinaten abhängig. Ausgehend von der Tatsache, dass die Geschichte der Afroamerikaner innerhalb der amerikanischen Geschichtsschreibung die längste Zeit vernachlässigt wurde, hat es sich Morrison zum Ziel gesetzt, eben diese Geschichte wiederzuentdecken, wiederzuerinnern und aus der afroamerikanischen Perspektive heraus, wiederzuschreiben. Die hier untersuchte historiographische Trilogie untersucht die nationale Identität der USA im Hinblick auf ihre afroamerikanische Minderheit und versucht eine Wiederherstellung des sozialen Gedächtnisses der ehemaligen Sklaven. Dabei umfasst sie die Geschichte der Afroamerikaner beginnend bei der ursprünglichen Entwurzelung der afrikanischen Gefangenen von ihrer Heimat in der Middle Passage, über Sklaverei, Reconstruction, Jim Crow und der jüngeren Geschichte der Harlem Renaissance bis hin zur Bürgerrechtsbewegung in den 70er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts. Somit stellen diese drei Romane eine eindringliche Neuverortung des afroamerikanischen Raumes innerhalb der amerikanischen historischen Landkarte dar. Die Romane sind dabei poetisch und politisch zugleich, denn Morrison nutzt ihr literarisches Talent, um den amerikanischen Raum als Ort afroamerikanischen Traumas abzubilden. Um die beiden Ebenen Psychologie/Trauma und Geographie/Raum konzeptionell zusammenzuführen, beginnt die Arbeit mit einer Vorstellung des theoretischen Rahmens. Eine Einordnung in den philosophischen Kontext der Begrifflichkeiten von Raum/Ort und Zeit verortet beide als primäre Kategorien des menschlichen Lebens. Unter Rückgriff auf postmoderne Theorien der Relativität von Raum und Zeit wird gezeigt, dass sowohl das Erlebnis von Raum als auch die Erfahrung von Zeit von den anderen Parametern des menschlichen Lebens abhängig sind, den wirtschaftlichen, politischen und sozialen Bedingungen der Existenz. Morrison geht auf diesen Umstand ein und zeigt in ihren Romanen, wie Orte und ihr Erleben Spiegelbilder der Psyche der traumatisierten Protagonisten darstellen. Die Suche der Protagonisten nach einem Zuhause ist begründet in einer buchstäblichen und metaphysischen Orientierungslosigkeit aufgrund der psychischen und geographischen Entwurzelung und der damit einhergehenden Löschung des kommunalen historischen und kulturellen Gedächtnisses im Zuge von Sklaverei und Unterdrückung. Das Fehlen von Heimat und Gemeinschaft resultiert aus einer metaphysischen Verlorenheit, einem Trauma, das sie von einer persönlichen und kommunalen Geschichte trennt. Nur durch eine Externalisierung der traumatischen Erinnerung finden sie ihre Wurzeln, gemeinsame Werte, eine Gemeinschaft und somit auch ein Zuhause. In der hier untersuchten Trilogie verwirft Morrison die Vorstellung eines reinen, homogenen Raumes in geographischer, kultureller und narrativer Hinsicht. Morrison befürwortet Räume, in denen verschiedene Bedeutungsebenen sich ergänzen und bereichern, anstatt einander auszuschließen. Die Räume, die bei Morrison zu Orten der Heimat und des Zuhauses werden, erlauben die Koexistenz einer Vielfalt gegenwärtiger und vergangener Diskurse, die Gleichzeitigkeit von Innerem und Äußerem und die Überlagerung individueller und gemeinschaftlicher Geschichte, so dass Ihre verschiedenen Bedeutungsebenen betrachtet und interpretiert werden können. ; In Beloved, Jazz and Paradise, Toni Morrison negotiates ways of individual and collective identity formation through figurations of space and trauma. In geographical spaces that are public and private, open and closed, inclusive and exclusive, space of the past and spaces of the present, Morrison writes discursive spaces in which to create individual and communal African American history and identity, based on the traumatic hi-stories at the core of the Black American experience: the Middle Passage, slavery, Jim Crow and the Civil Rights Movement, just to name a few. In the three novels, Toni Morrison subscribes to a postmodern notion of space and place, presenting it as relative to the individual- frame of mind. Places are used as metonymies for the protagonists" traumatized minds and their different ways of dealing with trauma. Trauma that is not worked through and transcended is presented by Morrison as impacting the protagonists- ability to fashion a home out of a vast and often hostile space. The physical and mental space of Morrison- protagonists is occupied by historical traumata that disables the protagonists to find a place in the present without revisiting the places of their troubled past. While this burdens their lives, it also opens up a historical and metahistorical discourse that allows the revision of mainstream historiography to include minority histories of oppression and trauma. Morrison reconfigures the American historical landscape by emphasizing the subjectivity of any history and offering alternatives to historical grand narratives through her historiographic metafiction. All three novels explore the possibility of reconciliation between past trauma and present life. Doing so requires Morrison to send her protagonists on strenuous journeys through time and space in order to visit the past trauma that keeps them from making a home in the here and now. The protagonists venture back to the primal scenes that bear major significance for their lives but have been suppressed for being too painful to remember. Their pain thus awakens anew, but out of it grow the possibility of a life in the present and the hope for a future. The pasts Morrison thus digs up serve as anchors to situate the African American place in the American historical landscape. Those primal places have a geographical as well as a historical and psychological quality, as places in Morrison- novels are often used as metonymies for the protagonists" traumatized minds, containing the memory of the traumatic past. By spatializing time, Morrison makes history accessible to a communal working through, thus countering the modernist impulse to treat memory as a private faculty embedded in the individual- psyche. This makes it difficult, for African Americans with individual recollections of slavery and racist oppression for example, to use traumatic memory as the basis for a common sense of identity. Morrison uses spatialized time as a forum to discover this basis, to allow for the establishment of a common historical bond. At the same time, she warns against instrumentalizing a common history to exclude those who do not share it. Any history, for Morrison, should be open and flexible enough to accommodate different perspectives. Essentially, Morrison suggests that western historiography is a discursive construct. By allowing, in all three novels, a polyphonic weaving of different equal histories to destablize a single, authoritative, hegemonic historiography, Morrison gives African Americans the power to construct her own past, her own present, and thereby claim back her identity. Moreover, Morrison destabilizes the duality of private space and public space that has long served to distinguish subjective individual memory from objective communal history and thus to legitimize certain accounts of history at the expense of others. The gendered as well as the racial other, by virtue of being excluded from the public sphere, have been excluded from their own historicization. By opening up the private sphere of personal trauma and loss, Morrison spatializes personal memory in a way that it forms a parallel public sphere in which African Americans may negotiate their historicity, move out of the timelessness of the private into the historicized public. By opening up the traditionally private sphere of the home to the public and turning it into a deeply political place, Morrison redefines home in a way that it does not necessarily conform to the classic view of a closed-off shelter but rather a transient place with flexible boundaries that allows for the formation of liberated individual and communal identities out of (hi)stories of pain and trauma.
[spa] La importancia de la Historia de la Arqueología radica en su capacidad para dar respuesta a la primera pregunta que nos debemos plantear como arqueólogos, ¿cómo hemos llegado a ser lo que somos? (Murray 2002, en Ruíz Zapatero 2017b). Para conocer este pasado es indispensable llevar a cabo su estudio, el cual se puede afrontar desde diversas perspectivas. Aquí nos centraremos en analizar las relaciones internacionales dentro de la Historia de la Arqueología, como parte del mecanismo para comprender nuestro pasado en una época donde las fronteras entre países dibujan tanto los tratos personales como académicos, en especial las relaciones entre arqueólogos españoles e italianos del siglo XX (Díaz-Andreu García 2016; Gracia Alonso 2010; Gracia Alonso 2012a), dado el desconocimiento que existe sobre este tema, en contraposición con los trabajos sobre las relaciones con alemanes, franceses y también en menor medida con los ingleses. La presente Tesis se propone profundizar en el conocimiento del impacto que las relaciones entre investigadores tuvieron en la Arqueología española del siglo XX. Con ello se intenta romper varios tópicos firmemente establecidos en la Historia de la Arqueología española, como que los profesionales españoles son receptores pasivos de las novedades que provienen de otros países y que, sobre todo en lo que se refiere a la dilatada etapa franquista, el aislamiento internacional de los expertos es prácticamente total. Dentro de este contexto, se han analizado específicamente las relaciones entre la arqueología española e italiana desde principios del siglo XX a 1975, estableciéndose este año como fecha límite del estudio. En nuestro examen hemos dividido el periodo estudiado en dos: antes y después de la Guerra Civil. Para alcanzar estos objetivos generales se han investigado a través de objetivos más específicos cuales fueron primer lugar las instituciones españolas que se encargaron de propiciar directa o indirectamente las estancias de arqueólogos españoles en territorio italiano. Como resultado, se han documentado multitud de ayudas económicas de carácter personal de dos instituciones, la Junta para la Ampliación de Estudios y el Centro Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. Con esta documentación se han pretendido establecer cuales fueron relaciones personales entre la arqueología española e italiana a lo largo de los dos periodos anteriormente descritos, así como formarnos una ida más precisa de la influencia que supusieron estos contactos en la arqueología española posterior. Para completar estos objetivos específicos, se ha realizado un estudio de las publicaciones españolas contemporáneas con un marcado carácter arqueológico, que permite refutar esta influencia a través de las referencias bibliográficas utilizadas en los artículos que contienen. También hemos tenido en cuenta el convulso contexto político del siglo XX como elemento influyente en todo el proceso. Con estas premisas hemos desarrollado varias hipótesis en función a los objetivos planteados, esbozando un escenario en el que, pese al desarrollo de instituciones acorde con las necesidades de mantener investigadores en el extranjero, Italia no fue un centro de recepción primordial para la arqueología de principios del siglo XX frente a Francia y Alemania, acrecentado por la situación de aislamiento político y académico durante el franquismo. Estas hipótesis generales se complementan con otras más específicas, fundamentadas en la difícil situación económica de los periodos entre guerras para la inversión en estancias en el extranjero, y la imprecisión de lo que se entiende por la labor arqueológica. Esto lleva a plantear que quizá nuestro conocimiento sobre los viajes de arqueólogos españoles a Italia se haya visto disminuido, a lo que en realidad fueron viajes más prolíficos, y cuya influencia posterior en España, considerada exigua a principios del siglo XX, se desarrolló con mayor fluidez a partir de los años cincuenta. Como método de trabajo se han realizado vaciados en diferentes archivos y bibliotecas nacionales, y en algún caso muy puntual se ha acudido a la historia oral. A partir sobre todo de la documentación obtenida en archivos y bibliotecas se han podido obtener los datos de los sujetos susceptibles de ser incorporados a este estudio. Conjuntamente, se ha llevado a cabo un análisis bibliométrico de varias de las revistas más importantes sobre arqueología publicadas durante el periodo establecido, recogiendo así toda la información relevante para nuestro trabajo. Además, se ha vaciado la información encontrada en publicaciones tanto coetáneas a los hechos como posteriores. Se ha dividido este estudio en dos grandes etapas temporales, abarcando la primera desde principios del siglo XX hasta la Guerra Civil, y la segunda desde ese último momento hasta el final del periodo franquista. Con todo ello, se ha realizado un análisis de las estancias de españoles en Italia, tanto por la colaboración en exposiciones como por viajes de estudio o de trabajo. También se ha examinado la importancia de las instituciones nacionales para el desempeño de estas acciones, y el reflejo de sus actuaciones en la difusión de los conocimientos adquiridos a través de las publicaciones españolas en las que participaron. Los resultados obtenidos nos han permitido demostrar cómo las relaciones personales entre los académicos internacionales repercutieron directamente en el desarrollo de la actividad arqueológica española, asegurar que esta no estuvo completamente cerrada a las influencias extranjeras, y observar una evolución en los contactos establecidos a lo largo del marco cronológico estudiado. Durante la primera etapa entre principios del siglo XX y la Guerra Civil, las pensiones (denominación que reciben las ayudas económicas en este periodo) fueron concedidas a un mayor número de investigadores españoles, que, finalmente, realizaron algún tipo de actividad arqueológica. Aunque la Escuela Española de Historia y Arqueología en Roma se funda en 1910 como centro de recepción para estos pensionados, no será el epicentro de las relaciones entre arqueólogos españoles e italianos, siendo más característicos los viajes itinerantes por la península itálica y cuya influencia inmediata ha sido menos señalada, aunque asienta las bases de los contactos de la etapa siguiente, mucho más evidentes y fructíferos. Durante el segundo periodo y una vez pasados los primeros años de postguerra, la Escuela reabre sus puertas en 1947, comenzando en la década de los cincuenta su edad dorada, hasta los años setenta. Esta se ve acompañada por un mayor número de estancias en Italia, sobre todo de larga duración, gracias a los acuerdos para excavar la Grotta dei Pipistrelli (Finale), la Grotta del´Olivo (Toirano) en 1954 y 1955 respectivamente, y fundamentalmente Gabii, entre 1956 y 1969. Esto permite establecer contactos más profundos y dilatados en el tiempo, siendo el máximo exponente de las relaciones entre ambos países la contraída por Martín Almagro Basch y Luis Pericot García con el arqueólogo italiano Nino Lamboglia, presente en la bibliografía española de forma destacada como se demuestra tanto en el análisis de las revistas, como en la correspondencia personal, y la documentación administrativa. A pesar de esta nota positiva, en comparación con las relaciones establecidas para la misma época con arqueólogos alemanes y franceses, las relaciones italo-españolas todavía siguen siendo menores quizá incluso con británicos. ; [eng] The importance of the History of Archaeology lies in the capacity to respond to the first question we should consider as archaeologists: how have we become what we are?. It is essential to study this past, and this research could be faced from different perspectives. Here we will focus on analysing the international relations inside the History of Archaeology, as part of the mechanism to understand our past in a period where borders between countries portray the personal and academic relations of scholars. In particular, the relationships between Spanish and Italian archaeologists of the 20th century will be examined due to the ignorance existing around this topic, compared to the studies about the relations with Germans scholars, and also, to a lesser extent, with British academics. The purpose of this thesis is to take a closer look at the impact that the relationships between researchers had in the Spanish Archaeology of the 20th century. With this, we have tried to break away from the clichés which were solidly established in the History of Spanish Archaeology, such as, the general belief that Spanish professionals were passive receptors of the newness that came from other countries, and the idea that, particularly during the Francoist period, the international isolation of the experts was practically total. Within this context, it has been specifically analysed the relations between Italian and Spanish archaeology from the beginnings of the 20th century to 1975, establishing this year as the closing date of the study. In our examination we have divided the period studied in two parts: before and after the Civil War. To accomplish these general objectives, our investigations started studying the Spanish institutions that were in charge, directly or indirectly, of the stays of Spanish archaeologists in Italian territory. As a result, we have documented a multitude of economic aids from two institutions: "Junta para la Ampliación de Estudios" and "Centro Superior de Investigaciones Científicas". Thanks to this information, it was possible to establish the personal relations between Italian and Spanish archaeology during the two periods described above, as well as confirming the influence that these interactions meant in the later Spanish archaeology. To achieve these specific goals, we have conducted a study of the contemporary Spanish publications related to archaeology, which refute this influence through the bibliographic references used in these articles. In addition, it was taken into consideration the rough political context of the 20th century as an influential element in all the process. Under this premiss, several hypotheses were developed in function of the objectives planned, setting a scenario where, despite the fact that the development of institutions in compliance to the necessity of keeping researchers in foreign countries, Italy was not the essential centre of receptions for the Archaeology in the beginning of the 20th century, in opposition to France and Germany, increased by the situation of academic and politic isolation during the Francoist period. These general hypotheses are completed by others more specific, based on the difficult economic situation of the periods between wars for the investment in foreign stays, and the inaccuracy of what is known as "archaeological labour". This can lead us to think that the knowledge about Spanish archaeological trips to Italy could have been misvalued, being in fact very productive journeys, of which later influence in Spain, considered exiguous in the start of the 20th century, developed with more fluency after the 1950s Furthermore, as a work method, different national archives and libraries have been exhaustively inspected, including some oral history resources. Jointly, a bibliometric analysis of several archaeological journals published during this period was taken, collecting all the relevant information for our work. In addition, the information found in coetaneous publications and later ones was also investigated. The study has been divided in two big temporal periods, first covering from the beginning of the 20th century until the Civil War, and the second from this last event up to the end of the Francoist period. Due to these facts, it was possible to conduct an analysis of Spanish scholars' stays in Italy, for their collaboration in exhibitions as well as for study and work trips. Also, the importance of the national institutions for the performance of these actions, and the observation of their intervention in the diffusion of the achieved knowledge throughout Spanish publications in which they took part in, were examined. Consequently, the results retrieved allow us to demonstrate how personal relationships among international scholars directly influenced the development of Spanish archaeological activities, which were not completely closed to foreign influences, and discover the evolution of these contacts over the timeline studied. Moreover, between the beginning of the 20th century and the Civil War, the "pensiones" (name given to the economic aids in this period) were granted to a larger number of Spanish researchers, that finally, carried out some type of archaeological activity. Despite the foundation in Rome of "Escuela Española de Historia y Arqueología" in 1910 as a centre of reception for all these pensioners, it would not become the epicentre of the relations among Italian and Spanish archaeologists but set up the basis of the contacts for the next period, that were much more prolific and obvious. The itinerant journeys around the Italian Peninsula were more characteristic during this first part, but its immediate influence was less emphasized. During the second period and the beginning of postwar, the "Escuela" reopened in 1947, beginning its golden era until the 1970s. The stays in Italy increased, especially long-term stays, thanks to the agreements to excavate Grotta dei Pipistrelli (Finale), Grotta del´Olivo (Toirano) in 1954 and 1955 respectively, and Gabii, between 1956 and 1969. These agreements allowed to establish strong and long contacts, being the most important of these connections the relationships between Martín Almagro Basch and Luis Pericot García with the Italian archaeologist Nino Lamboglia, who are strongly present in the Spanish literature, personal correspondence and administrative documents. However, even though Spanish-Italian relationships were very productive and prolific, the relations between Spanish researchers and German, French and British academics were more intense.
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Jack Twyman is an intern at the ASI.Take a look at any national newspaper and, as an alien from outer space, you'd be forgiven for thinking that the United Kingdom was under siege by an aggressive foe. Constant news headlines decry the government to "Send in the army to halt migrant invasion", adding "Rescue boats? I'd use gunships to stop migrants". The Express is desperate saying "We can't stop migrant chaos", and that "Migrants take all new jobs in Britain."It comes as no surprise to say that is not remotely the case. In 2022, the Office for National Statistics (ONS) recorded the highest ever net migration to the UK at 606,000 people. The ONS also recorded the 45,746 people who arrived illegally. Of those, 25,119 would be allowed to stay in the UK as refugees. Accounting for this, illegal arrivals accounted for just under 8 per cent of the total of net migration. In 2023, as of 13th June, there have been 9,062 illegal arrivals so far. So what is leading the current UK government to assert that passing one of its five main targets is to pass new laws to stop small boats, and ensuring the swift detainment and removal of illegal entrants? Looking at opinion polls, the picture distorts further. An IPOS UK poll from March 2023 found that only 19 per cent of the public have passing new l was to stop small boats crossings as one of their top four priorities. Easing the cost of living, 67 per cent, reducing NHS waiting lists, 50 per cent, growing the economy, 36 per cent, halving inflation, 31 per cent, all out pace in importance for the public. Additionally, a Poll by the Law Society of England and Wales of 1,954 people in March 2022 found that almost two thirds of people said refugees who arrive in the UK illegally should have the same rights as those who come legally. However, it is still clear that a great deal of voters care deeply about the issue. Since government rhetoric has increased, and the Rwanda policy became more likely, trust in the Conservatives on asylum and immigration increased to 1 in 3 in March, up since February. POLITICO found that among 2019 Tory voters, 41 per cent see illegal migration routes are a priority. 'Why are my hard-earned taxes, in a time of rising inflation and economic uncertainty, being used to put migrants up in 4 star hotels?' voters argue. Rishi Sunak is so convinced that he claimed "stopping the boats is not just my priority, it's the people's priority." The government of course has the resources and funds available to continue allocating efforts into sustaining the refugees, but the impasse of claim processing has exacerbated the issue further. Data from The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford shows that decisions had already failed to keep pace with applications before the huge increase in claims in 2021 and 2022. This gap has only widened further, with outstanding cases awaiting final decision at the end of 2022 at 132,000 asylum applications.So there is a real issue is in processing, where slow rates have created a backlog that has created a situation where asylum processing centres are overwhelmed and overfilled. The government now spends on average £4,300 per asylum seeker per month in private-provided housing for refugees, equivalent to a £6.2m daily cost of housing asylum seekers in hotels. Last year, the UK spent £3.7 billion, or 29% of its aid budget, supporting refugees within the UK, drawing criticism from aid groups, international NGOs and domestic politicians alike. Surely there must be a better way? The obvious choice would be to train more civil servants to process the claims, but this is costly, currently inefficient, and would be a lengthy process. I propose that we procure private firms as processors, paying them per asylum claim processed. This outsourcing and privatisation will create a healthier competition and increase diligence and duty of care as the claim assessor stands to lose more than if they were in a non-commercial, government position. It will also avoid the currently concerning plans to house refugees in former military bases and so-called "rudimentary accommodation" in the words of Immigration Minister Rober Jenrick. Private firms are proven to respond quicker to market demands, and there will surely be a host of providers created overnight if this scheme was put forward. But there is still more to be done. We must ask ourselves the question why we currently prohibit asylum seekers from working whilst their claim is being processed? In an era of high job vacancies, should these migrants not be seen as an opportunity, or gift for the country? A proactive approach would see these migrants start contributing from the offset, giving the government the opportunity to recuperate some of the funds used to support them, and allowing the migrants to bring benefit to the economy. I would also propose allowing asylum seeker applications to be made in embassies abroad. Sure, there are foreseeable issues with this proposal in countries where there are a high number of prospective applications, but allowing application in France or other similar countries will prevent the need to dagerous journeys to be made overseas, and the subsequent strain on the emergency services responding the the dire humanitarian results. I am not alone in this proposal as in fact 68 per cent respondents for an Ipsos poll of the UK public support this proposal. Ultimately, I am sureI align with the vast majority of my fellow countryfolk in not sharing Jenrick's belief that Asylum seekers who arrive in the UK by crossing the Channel in small boats "cannibalise" communities. Certainly he is correct that the continued uncontrolled situation threatens "the compassion that marks out the British people." Yet claiming that the protestors outside migrant hotels are a "warning to be heeded, not a phenomenon to be managed" is at best a reach. The Daily Express Editor Gary Jones recently claimed that after concerted effort by Stop Funding Hate was a signficiant factor in rethinking editorial direction around sensitive topics like the Channel migrants. This serves as a reminder how the public can exercise non-political rights to enact change and achieve a voice irrespective on whether elected representatives are in agreement. Sure, the UK is in danger of neglecting necessary action on the issue, however this is not equivalent with a mutli-million pound deal to ship arrivals to Rwanda and elsewhere, nor pay huge sums to house migrants in hotels, or former military bases. With a pragmatic approach that reaches out of government and into enterprise the situation can be more effectively dealt with, and far faster that without. Election ploy or not, securing the stability of UK society must be a priority.
El fenómeno migratorio de España a América ha sido clave para la evolución histórica de ambos territorios, provocando importantes cambios sociales, económicos, demográficos, políticos y culturales, en las dos orillas del Atlántico. Esta tesis doctoral analiza este proceso a lo largo del siglo XVII, contribuyendo así a llenar un hueco temporal aún no tratador y prestando especial atención al colectivo femenino para hacer visible su participación Para su realización se han empleado tres grupos de fuentes documentales: las licencias de embarque a Indias permiso indispensable para poder pasar de forma legal a Ultramar- custodiadas en el Archivo General de Indias de Sevilla, la correspondencia privada inserta en ellas y, por último, los expedientes de procesos inquisitoriales iniciados por el Santo Oficio Novohispano, ubicados en el Archivo General de la Nación de México; estos últimos con la finalidad de localizar a emigrantes españolas ya establecidas en el continente. Hemos recurrido al empleo de una metodología doble, cuantitativa y cualitativa, que nos ha permitido acceder no solo a la evolución de las migraciones en cifras sino también al lado más humano de estos movimientos poblacionales. Con este trabajo ha quedado constatado el importante número de desplazamientos que tuvo lugar a lo largo del Seiscientos, al haber contabilizado 39.897 emigrantes (33,20% respecto a todo el periodo colonial), especialmente durante las tres primeras décadas, alcanzando cifras nunca experimentadas con anterioridad. Los datos reflejan que la coyuntura de crisis experimentada en la mayoría de las áreas españolas, en contraposición al desarrollo de las colonias americanas, actuó como factor de expulsión. Asimismo, los cambios habidos en las relaciones y el tráfico comercial entre ambos continentes también tuvieron repercusiones en el caudal migratorio. Entre los capítulos tratados, hemos dado importancia al origen de los emigrantes. Estos fueron mayoritariamente andaluces, seguidos de extremeños, como venía ocurriendo en los siglos precedentes, y los destinos mayoritarios continuaron siendo Nueva España y Perú. Nos ha interesado, también, conocer el carácter colectivo de esta emigración; así sabemos que entre los años 1600-1630, la emigración tuvo un importante rasgo familiar: resultado de ello fue el traslado de gran cantidad de mujeres; en efecto, una cuarta parte del total de los emigrados en el siglo XVII fueron de sexo femenino, siendo su papel fundamental en las colonias americanas: destacó la presencia de solteras, debido al significativo número de hijas que viajaron junto a sus padres, así como de nodrizas y criadas. El estudio cualitativo nos ha permitido conocer en profundidad las motivaciones femeninas para partir, así como los temores experimentados por quienes se arriesgaron a afrontar tamaña aventura, temores superados, en la mayoría de ocasiones, gracias a la intervención y ayuda de familiares o conocidos establecidos previamente en Indias. Sin dejar de lado motivos particulares, las mujeres que se decidieron a atravesar el Atlántico lo hicieron por necesitar encarecidamente mejorar su situación -el amplio mercado matrimonial habido en los territorios americanos les facilitaba conseguir dicho fin-, solventar determinados problemas o reencontrarse con personas ya instaladas allí. Sin embargo, aunque América les ofrecía un escenario donde alcanzar determinados sueños, ha quedado visibilizado que no todas las desplazadas gozaron de la misma for-tuna, viéndose involucradas en complejas circunstancias. Claro ejemplo de ello fue el número de procesadas por la Inquisición en Nueva España. En su conjunto, no obstante, hemos podido apreciar que estas mujeres cambiaron radicalmente el rumbo de sus vidas; que muchas consiguieron mejorar significativamente sus realidades, mejorando sus situaciones y, a veces, experimentando mayores libertades que sus contemporáneas peninsulares. ; The migration phenomenon from Spain to America has been key for the historical evolution of both territories, implying important social, economic, demographic, political and cultural changes, in both Atlantic shores. This PhD analyses this process throughout the 17th century, contributing to fulfil a time space unexplored, and paying special attention to women in order to make their part visible. In order to do that, three groups of sources have been used: India boarding licences — an essential permit to be able to cross legally to Ultramar — watched over at the General Archive of the Indies, Seville, the private correspondence attached to them, and, finally, the process inquisitorial records initiated by the Novohispanic Holy Office, located in the General Archive of Mexico; the latter with the aim of locating Spanish emigrants settled in the continent. We have used a quantitative and qualitative double methodology, that has allowed us access to not only to the evolution of migrations in numbers, but also to the most human side of these populational movements. With this project, it has been confirmed the significant number of journeys that took place throughout the 600s, since it has been counted 39,897 emigrants (33.20% in the whole colonial period), specially during the first three decades, achieving numbers never experienced before. Data reflects that the situation of crisis experienced in most of the Spanish territory, contrary to the American colonies' development, acted as a factor of expulsion. Besides, the changes in the relationships and the commercial traffic between both continents had an impact in the migratory volume. Among the chapters treated, we have given more importance to the origin of the emigrants. These were mainly Andalusian and from Extremadura, as it had also been happening in the precious centuries, and the destinations were mostly New Spain and Peru. We have also been interested in knowing the collective character of this emigration; so we know that between 1600 and 1630, emigration had an imporcant family feature, resulting in the move of a great number of women; indeed, a quarter of the total emigrants in the 17th century was women, having an essential role in the American colonies. There were numerous single women, due to the number of daughters that travelled along with their parents, as well as nursemaids and maids. The qualitative study has allowed us to deeply know the female motivations to move, as well as the fears experienced by those who risked themselves in that adventure, most of them overcome thank to the intervention and help from the families and acquaintances previously settled in Indies. Without leaving aside the particular reasons, the women who decided to go across the Atlantic Ocean had to do it because they needed to improve their situation — the huge matrimonial market in the American territories enable them to improve it -, solve some problems or meet again with people already settled there. However, although America offered them a place where they could achieve their dreams, it has been proven that not all the women who went there were that lucky, since they found themselves involved in difficult situations. A clear example is the number of women who were prosecuted because of the Inquisition in the New Spain.
France was still largely a rural country in the 19th century, yet historiography seems to have favoured a thorough study of the bourgeoisie in towns while neglecting to turn its attention to the bourgeoisie in villages. Drawing on public archives, private sources and extensive correspondence, this research seeks to draw together all aspects of bourgeois family life as lived year-round in the countryside. More than a social grouping of the middle class, the rural bourgeoisie can be defined through its position at the heart of rural communities over an extended period of time, in continuity with the social order of the 18th century. "To be bourgeois" strongly implies prosperity and in most cases the ownership of land and property. The notion of work may be essential to a definition of the city bourgeois, but makes less sense in villages where the range of available professions is limited. On the other hand, correspondence reveals the active nature of life for the ladies of the rural bourgeoisie, reaching well beyond the domestic sphere. Life in the countryside engenders a type of bourgeois who is close to his land and to nature. Daily life follows the rhythm of farming, tending the vines, managing the estate, trading wine, animal husbandry and local fairs. Village bourgeois are confronted with the brutality of their rural surroundings: the body and the senses are put to the test. This study explores the history of experience of noises, smells, the cold, local travel and longer journeys, the passage of time and the handling of a pervasive environment.The family home takes on particular importance as a symbol of the village bourgeois' value and prestige. It is a stage on which the family's position and heredity are played out. The implied lifestyle within is one assisted by servants, with whom close yet distant relationships exist. In the countryside, bourgeois ladies and gentlemen differ from their urban counterparts in their uninhibited discussion of many subjects relating to hygiene, intimacy, sexuality. We will explore their use of outward appearance to project a certain image, their nuanced attitudes towards religion, their enjoyment of free time often in contrast to gender stereotypes, their mealtime rituals and their political engagements. Each phase of a rural bourgeois' life will be portrayed, from childhood to death, from education to the making of a marriage, from health to old age. We shall also investigate the bourgeois' relationship with others, in a wine-growing area where the extremely poor as well as with the landed aristocracy can be encountered. His social circle is wider than that of the urban bourgeois, because of his relative isolation in the country, and stretches far beyond the bourgeoisie to encompass his rural neighbours. This study concentrates particularly on the psychology of the bourgeois' relationship with others. Conditioned as he is to be at ease in any social situation, he is able to operate on many different levels and create his own ecosystem.Following the collapse in land revenue and the outbreak of the phylloxera blight, by 1880 the rural bourgeoisie, more concerned with the past than the future, had all but disappeared. A new bourgeoisie came to replace them in the villages. A quite unexpected vocabulary emerges from the correspondence, revealing a particular semantic apparatus and offering detailed insights into many aspects of rural bourgeois life in the 19th century wine-growing Jura. ; Alors que la France est largement rurale au XIXe siècle, l'historiographie a négligé l'observation de la bourgeoisie des villages qui se distingue d'une bourgeoisie des villes amplement explorée. A partir de sources publiques et privées, et particulièrement plusieurs fonds importants de correspondances, cette recherche permet d'approcher toutes les facettes de la famille bourgeoise qui vit à l'année à la campagne. Plus que par son appartenance à un groupe social, c'est par sa position au sein de la société rurale que se définit le bourgeois rural, dans un temps long et selon un ordre social en continuité avec le XVIIIe siècle. « Être bourgeois » implique avant tout un avoir bourgeois et se confond souvent par « être propriétaire ». La notion de travail pour les hommes, essentielle dans la définition du bourgeois urbain, est nuancée pour le bourgeois rural car l'éventail de professions à sa disposition au village est réduit. En revanche, les correspondances révèlent des femmes bourgeoises actives, et pas seulement dans la sphère domestique.La vie à la campagne induit un type de bourgeois proche de ses terres et de la nature. Les cultures, les vignes, les fermages, les ventes de vins, les animaux de la ferme et les foires régissent le quotidien. Les bourgeois des villages sont confrontés à la brutalité de l'univers rural qui les entoure : les corps sont mis à l'épreuve, tout autant que les sens. L'histoire du ressenti aux bruits, aux odeurs, au froid, aux déplacements, aux voyages, au temps et à la maîtrise d'un environnement prégnant est ici abordée. La maison de famille prend une valeur symbolique et de prestige pour la bourgeoisie de village. Sa mise en scène reflète la position et l'ancrage héréditaire, et indique un mode de vie facilité par des domestiques à la fois proches et distants. A la campagne, les bourgeois hommes et femmes se distinguent de leurs contemporains citadins et évoquent sans tabou de nombreux sujets liés à l'hygiène, à l'intimité, à la sexualité. L'image qu'ils souhaitent projeter dans leur apparence, leur attitude pondérée vis-à-vis de la religion, l'emploi de leur temps libre souvent loin des stéréotypes genrés, les rites de la table, leur engagement politique sont autant de thèmes approfondis. De sa petite enfance à sa mort, en passant par son éducation, la construction de son mariage, sa santé et sa vieillesse, chaque phase de la vie du bourgeois rural est décrite. Sa relation aux autres est tout autant interrogée. Dans une région viticole mêlant toutes les strates de la société rurale, il compose aussi bien avec la pauvreté extrême qu'avec l'aristocratie foncière. Du fait de son relatif isolement à la campagne, une particularité que ne connaît pas le bourgeois urbain, sa sociabilité est large. Elle dépasse grandement le cercle bourgeois et s'oriente sur son voisinage rural. Cette étude s'attarde sur la psychologie du bourgeois dans son rapport à l'autre. Parce qu'il est conditionné à être à l'aise dans la relation sociale, il est capable de gérer plusieurs strates de relations et se crée son propre écosystème.La chute de la rente de la terre, associée au désastre du phylloxéra, entraîne dès 1880 la quasi-disparition d'une bourgeoisie rurale plus tournée vers le passé que vers le futur. Elle est remplacée au village par de nouvelles familles bourgeoises. Un champ lexical inattendu découvert dans les courriers et la sémantique sui generis qui en découle permettent à chaque étape une analyse fine, au plus près du bourgeois rural dans le vignoble du Jura au XIXe siècle.
France was still largely a rural country in the 19th century, yet historiography seems to have favoured a thorough study of the bourgeoisie in towns while neglecting to turn its attention to the bourgeoisie in villages. Drawing on public archives, private sources and extensive correspondence, this research seeks to draw together all aspects of bourgeois family life as lived year-round in the countryside. More than a social grouping of the middle class, the rural bourgeoisie can be defined through its position at the heart of rural communities over an extended period of time, in continuity with the social order of the 18th century. "To be bourgeois" strongly implies prosperity and in most cases the ownership of land and property. The notion of work may be essential to a definition of the city bourgeois, but makes less sense in villages where the range of available professions is limited. On the other hand, correspondence reveals the active nature of life for the ladies of the rural bourgeoisie, reaching well beyond the domestic sphere. Life in the countryside engenders a type of bourgeois who is close to his land and to nature. Daily life follows the rhythm of farming, tending the vines, managing the estate, trading wine, animal husbandry and local fairs. Village bourgeois are confronted with the brutality of their rural surroundings: the body and the senses are put to the test. This study explores the history of experience of noises, smells, the cold, local travel and longer journeys, the passage of time and the handling of a pervasive environment.The family home takes on particular importance as a symbol of the village bourgeois' value and prestige. It is a stage on which the family's position and heredity are played out. The implied lifestyle within is one assisted by servants, with whom close yet distant relationships exist. In the countryside, bourgeois ladies and gentlemen differ from their urban counterparts in their uninhibited discussion of many subjects relating to hygiene, intimacy, sexuality. We will explore their use of outward appearance to project a certain image, their nuanced attitudes towards religion, their enjoyment of free time often in contrast to gender stereotypes, their mealtime rituals and their political engagements. Each phase of a rural bourgeois' life will be portrayed, from childhood to death, from education to the making of a marriage, from health to old age. We shall also investigate the bourgeois' relationship with others, in a wine-growing area where the extremely poor as well as with the landed aristocracy can be encountered. His social circle is wider than that of the urban bourgeois, because of his relative isolation in the country, and stretches far beyond the bourgeoisie to encompass his rural neighbours. This study concentrates particularly on the psychology of the bourgeois' relationship with others. Conditioned as he is to be at ease in any social situation, he is able to operate on many different levels and create his own ecosystem.Following the collapse in land revenue and the outbreak of the phylloxera blight, by 1880 the rural bourgeoisie, more concerned with the past than the future, had all but disappeared. A new bourgeoisie came to replace them in the villages. A quite unexpected vocabulary emerges from the correspondence, revealing a particular semantic apparatus and offering detailed insights into many aspects of rural bourgeois life in the 19th century wine-growing Jura. ; Alors que la France est largement rurale au XIXe siècle, l'historiographie a négligé l'observation de la bourgeoisie des villages qui se distingue d'une bourgeoisie des villes amplement explorée. A partir de sources publiques et privées, et particulièrement plusieurs fonds importants de correspondances, cette recherche permet d'approcher toutes les facettes de la famille bourgeoise qui vit à l'année à la campagne. Plus que par son appartenance à un groupe social, c'est par sa position au sein de la société rurale que se définit le bourgeois rural, dans un temps long et selon un ordre social en continuité avec le XVIIIe siècle. « Être bourgeois » implique avant tout un avoir bourgeois et se confond souvent par « être propriétaire ». La notion de travail pour les hommes, essentielle dans la définition du bourgeois urbain, est nuancée pour le bourgeois rural car l'éventail de professions à sa disposition au village est réduit. En revanche, les correspondances révèlent des femmes bourgeoises actives, et pas seulement dans la sphère domestique.La vie à la campagne induit un type de bourgeois proche de ses terres et de la nature. Les cultures, les vignes, les fermages, les ventes de vins, les animaux de la ferme et les foires régissent le quotidien. Les bourgeois des villages sont confrontés à la brutalité de l'univers rural qui les entoure : les corps sont mis à l'épreuve, tout autant que les sens. L'histoire du ressenti aux bruits, aux odeurs, au froid, aux déplacements, aux voyages, au temps et à la maîtrise d'un environnement prégnant est ici abordée. La maison de famille prend une valeur symbolique et de prestige pour la bourgeoisie de village. Sa mise en scène reflète la position et l'ancrage héréditaire, et indique un mode de vie facilité par des domestiques à la fois proches et distants. A la campagne, les bourgeois hommes et femmes se distinguent de leurs contemporains citadins et évoquent sans tabou de nombreux sujets liés à l'hygiène, à l'intimité, à la sexualité. L'image qu'ils souhaitent projeter dans leur apparence, leur attitude pondérée vis-à-vis de la religion, l'emploi de leur temps libre souvent loin des stéréotypes genrés, les rites de la table, leur engagement politique sont autant de thèmes approfondis. De sa petite enfance à sa mort, en passant par son éducation, la construction de son mariage, sa santé et sa vieillesse, chaque phase de la vie du bourgeois rural est décrite. Sa relation aux autres est tout autant interrogée. Dans une région viticole mêlant toutes les strates de la société rurale, il compose aussi bien avec la pauvreté extrême qu'avec l'aristocratie foncière. Du fait de son relatif isolement à la campagne, une particularité que ne connaît pas le bourgeois urbain, sa sociabilité est large. Elle dépasse grandement le cercle bourgeois et s'oriente sur son voisinage rural. Cette étude s'attarde sur la psychologie du bourgeois dans son rapport à l'autre. Parce qu'il est conditionné à être à l'aise dans la relation sociale, il est capable de gérer plusieurs strates de relations et se crée son propre écosystème.La chute de la rente de la terre, associée au désastre du phylloxéra, entraîne dès 1880 la quasi-disparition d'une bourgeoisie rurale plus tournée vers le passé que vers le futur. Elle est remplacée au village par de nouvelles familles bourgeoises. Un champ lexical inattendu découvert dans les courriers et la sémantique sui generis qui en découle permettent à chaque étape une analyse fine, au plus près du bourgeois rural dans le vignoble du Jura au XIXe siècle.
RESUMEN: Con agujas e hilos, este libro explora relatos de las biografías de colombianos y colombianas que hicieron parte de las FARC-EP y que actualmente están en proceso de reincorporación. Incluyendo la mirada de sus familiares y nuevos vecinos, estas puntadas narran una Colombia poco conocida desde el centro y las urbes del país. También es un libro sobre la paz, no como un estado escurridizo en un futuro distante que nunca parecemos alcanzar; sino la paz como un proceso que nace en lo cotidiano, en las interacciones entre personas que en tiempos de guerra estuvieron en oposición por la violencia. Y está compuesto por libros textiles, hechos por las manos de comunidades y personas que activamente viven el frágil proceso de paz. La firma de los Acuerdos de Paz en 2016, entre la guerrilla más antigua del mundo - las FARC-EP y el gobierno colombiano después de seis décadas de lucha armada y su posterior desarme, no solo nos permitió las conversaciones con exintegrantes de dicha guerrilla y sus familiares; sino también con comunidades campesinas en territorios de Antioquia. Las preguntas que animaron dichos encuentros, buscaban comprender quiénes son las personas en proceso de reincorporación, cómo vivieron la guerra y cómo están viviendo la paz, qué retos enfrentan, qué esperanzas tienen, cuál es su compromiso y cuáles son sus historias preferidas para narrar. Es un libro necesario porque surge en medio de aquel hecho histórico. Recoge las ideas y emociones alrededor del plebiscito de octubre de 2016, cuando la mayoría de los colombianos votó en contra de la paz negociada; pero también incorpora sentimientos frente al cumplimiento parcial de los Acuerdos por el Estado colombiano y al asesinato de líderes sociales y excombatientes. Los hilos que recorren estas páginas, buscan hilar, bordar y remendar el imaginario social que los colombianos y las colombianas tenemos del "otro", especialmente de los exmiembros de las FARC-EP en proceso de reincorporación a la sociedad civil. Este imaginario sigue siendo hostil y ha sido alimentado por narrativas polarizadoras de una sociedad dividida durante tantos años de conflicto, narrativas que limitan las posibilidades de una reconciliación como fundamento para una paz sostenible, pese al proceso formal de paz en Colombia. ; ABSTRACT: By means of needles and threads, this book explores biographical stories of Colombians who were members of the guerrilla group FARC-EP1, and who now find themselves in the process of reincorporation into civilian society. The book also includes the perspectives of their family members and new neighbours. Their stitches narrate a Colombia that is little known at the centre and in the cities of the country. It is also a book about peace, not as an elusive state in the distant future that we never seem to reach, but peace as a process set in the everyday, in the interactions between people who, in the midst of war, were set against each other by the violence. And it is a book composed of textile books, made at the hands of people and communities who actively live the fragile peace process. The signing of the Peace Agreement between the world's oldest guerrilla, FARC-EP, and the Colombian government in 2016 after six decades of armed struggle, together with the guerrilla's subsequent disarmament, allowed us to have conversations not only with former combatants and their relatives, but also with peasant communities in the rural areas of the Department of Antioquia which had been the theatres of the violent conflict. The questions that have motivated these encounters aim at understanding who these people are who are now in the process of reincorporation; how they experienced the war and how they live the peace; what challenges they face; what hopes they have; what their commitment to the peace process is; and which stories they would like to tell others. This is an essential book because it emerges from an event central to Colombia's history. It revisits the ideas and emotions surrounding the October 2016 plebiscite, in which the majority of Colombians voted against the negotiated peace. Yet, it also pays attention to the sentiments aroused by the Colombian state's only partial implementation of the Peace Agreement and by a continuous string of assassinations of social leaders and ex-combatants. The threads that run through this book seek to spin, embroider and mend the social imaginary that Colombians have of the "other", especially of former FARC-EP members now in the process of reincorporation into civilian society. For this imaginary continues to be steeped in hostility, despite Colombia's formal peace process, and feeds upon polarised narratives that limit the possibilities of reconciliation as a basis for sustainable peace. ; Prefacio 10 Preface 15 Prólogo 20 Prologue 23 Libros Textiles / Textile Books 27 Recorridos / Journeys 29 Añoranzas / Nostalgias 50 Reencuentros / Reunions 60 Arraigos / Roots 67 Confianzas / Trust 73 Transformaciones / Transformations 83 Compromisos / Commitment 94 Pequeñas puntadas San José de León / Small stitches San José de León 104 Pequeñas puntadas Llano Grande / Small stitches Llano Grande 115 La Paz bordada por los niños y niñas / Peace embroidered by children 130 Esperanzas / Hopes 148 Incertidumbres / Uncertainties 155 Entramados de Resonancias / Fabric of Resonances 160 ; Este libro se deriva del proyecto de investigación colaborativo internacional "(Des) tejiendo miradas sobre los sujetos en proceso de reconciliación en Colombia", financiado conjuntamente por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación de Colombia, Minciencias (referencia del proyecto FP44842-282-2018) y el Newton Fund, Reino Unido (referencia del proyecto AH/R01373X/1). La ejecución colaborativa está a cargo de la Facultad de Enfermería de la Universidad de Antioquia (Medellín, Colombia), del Departamento de Política Internacional de la Universidad de Aberystwyth (Gales, Reino Unido), y de la Asociación de Víctimas y Sobrevivientes del Nordeste Antioqueño (ASOVISNA, Colombia). La realización del libro ha sido posible gracias a fondos adicionales del Centre for International Development Research at Aberystwyth (CIDRA). This book is a result of the work of the international collaborative research project "(Un-)Stitching the Subjects of Colombia's Reconciliation Process", jointly financed by the Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation in Colombia, Minciencias (project reference FP44842-282-2018) and Newton Fund, UK (project reference AH/R01373X/1). It is collaboratively implemented by the Faculty of Nursing at the University of Antioquia (Medellín, Colombia), the Department of International Politics at Aberystwyth University (Wales, United Kingdom), and the Association of Victims and Survivors of Northeast Antioquia (ASOVISNA, Colombia). Additional funds from the Centre for International Development Research at Aberystwyth (CIDRA) have helped to make this book possible.
Die vorliegende Arbeit ist ein Beitrag zum Studium der Beziehung zwischen Tradition und Moderne in der 1. Hälfte des 20. Jh. am Beispiel des Lebenswerkes des rumänischen Architekten und Intellektuellen George Matei Cantacuzino (geb. 1899 in Wien, gest. 1960 in Jassy). G. M. Cantacuzino (im Text GMC genannt) gilt in Rumänien als Doyen der Moderne und als bedeutendster Architekturtheoretiker des Landes. Leben GMC studiert Architektur an der Pariser École des Beaux-Arts (1920-1929), zuerst beim erzkonservativen Gustave Umbdenstock. Doch es sind zwei liberal eingestellte Professoren, die GMC am stärksten prägen: der Bauhistoriker und Theoretiker Georges Gromort sowie der Praktiker Roger-Henri Expert. In Rumänien entfaltet GMC eine reichhaltige schöpferische Tätigkeit als Architekt, Theoretiker, Kritiker, Übersetzer, Maler, Kurator, Pädagoge und Politiker. Seine Bauten, Schriften und das Konzept der klassischen Haltung begründen GMCs Autorität als unangefochtene integrative Leitfigur der jungen rumänischen Architekturszene der 1930er Jahre. 1928 legt er einen Palladio-Essay vor (in Französisch), 1947 stellt er die erste Vitruv-Übersetzung ins Rumänische fertig. 1934-1936 ist GMC erster rumänischer Korrespondent der L´Architecture d´aujourd´hui, 1937-1940 Chefarchitekt der rumänischen Eisenbahngesellschaft CFR, 1942-1948 Professor für Geschichte und Theorie der Architektur in Bukarest. 1920-1940 unternimmt er zahlreiche Studien- und Arbeitsreisen in Europa, nach Vorderasien und in die USA. 1939-1947 entwickelt sich GMCs Kulturzeitschrift Simetria zu einer Zentrale des "ästhetischen Widerstandes" gegen Faschismus und Kommunismus. Nach seiner Inhaftierung als Regimegegner (1948-1954) lebt und arbeitet er meist am Rande der Gesellschaft (1954-1957 beim Denkmalschutzamt) bis zum frühen Tod (1960). Architektur GMC-Bauten sind gekennzeichnet von kompositorischer Ausgewogenheit und Dichte, von ruhiger, diskret ornamentierter Baumassenästhetik und von Materialethik. Dabei nimmt GMC als Epochenskeptiker, der dem «élan vital» Henri Bergsons verpflichtet ist, Abstand davon, den Stilbegriff auf die Dynamik zeitgenössischer Architektur zu übertragen. In der Folge weist GMCs thematisch breit gefächerte Architektur durch seine gesamte Laufbahn hindurch zwei formalästhetische Konstanten auf: den historischen Palladianismus und Syntheseversuche zwischen früher Moderne, spätbyzantinisch-rumänischen und klassizistischen Traditionssträngen. Beeinflusst ist GMC auch von Le Corbusier, v. a. aber von der Groupe des Architectes Modernes um Perret, Garnier, Sauvage und Expert sowie von der Schinkel-Semper-Wagner-Loos-Schule. Eine klassische Haltung GMCs Schaffen wird von einer linksliberalen politischen Überzeugung getragen und von freimaurerischem Gedankengut inspiriert. Ihnen liegt das Konzept einer klassischen Haltung zugrunde, die Tradition mit Moderne verknüpft und Ästhetik an Ethik bindet. Damit belebt GMC zwei antike Begriffe wieder: die aristotelische Auffassung von Architektur als eine pragmatischen Kunst und den vitruvianischen Symmetriebegriff als geglückte Proportion und dynamisches Gleichgewicht. Als baugeschichtlich-philosophischer Interpretationsansatz (in Bezug auf das Studium von Klassikern und die anthropologisch gebundenen formalästhetischen Kompositionsprinzipien wie Proportion, Rhythmus und Harmonie) bildet die klassische Haltung eine Grundlage für den Architekturentwurf. Dieser gründet auch auf der Architektenpersönlichkeit und dem Aufgabenkontext (u.a. Landschaft, Kultur, Stadttextur, Baustoffe). Kulturpolitisch erscheint die klassische Haltung als eine Strategie zur architekturkulturellen Erneuerung und als ein Versuch, die Vision eines plurikulturellen Rumäniens architekturkulturell zu gestalten. Dabei löst GMC den Konflikt zwischen rumänischem Heimatstil und Internationalismus, indem er sie nicht als festgefügte Stile, sondern als Strömungen behandelt. Darüber hinaus sind für ihn Tradition und Moderne nicht gegensätzlich, sondern gegenseitig, da wesensverschieden. Mit der klassischen Haltung bietet GMC einen Beitrag zur Klassik-Debatte (Wölfflin, Klopfer) und zur Diskussion des "Rappel à lordre" (Cocteau). In Bezug auf die theoretische Auseinandersetzung mit Leitbegriffen der Architektur lässt sich auch eine bemerkenswerte Nähe zu Rudolf Wittkower ausmachen. Als Erneuerungsstrategie kann die klassische Haltung verglichen werden mit Schinkels Theorie der Verschmelzung zwischen Antike und Gotik, der "Theorie widerstreitender Kräfte" von Colin Rowe und Fred Koetter, dem Kritischen Regionalismus oder mit Gerd de Bruyns Klassizismus-Begriff. Ein bemerkenswertes kulturpolitisches Echo findet GMCs transformatorische Rückbesinnung auf die vitruvianische Symmetrie auch im Begriff der "Dialogik" (Edgar Morin 1988) als ein Kennzeichen der europäischen Kultur: "Europa symmetrisiert" (GMC 1947). ; This study of the work of the Romanian architect and intellectual George Matei Cantacuzino (b. 1899 in Vienna, d. 1960 in Jassy) aims at deepening the insight into the relationship between Tradition and Modernism during the first half of the 20th century. G. M. Cantacuzino (referred to as GMC in the text) is acknowledged for being one of the doyens of Modernism in Romania and the pre-eminent architectural theoretician in that country up to the present day. Life GMC studied architecture at the Parisian École des Beaux-Arts (1920-1929), starting as an élève in the class of the arch-conservative Gustave Umbdenstock. But GMCs way of thinking about architecture was in large measure shaped by two liberal professors: the historian and theoretician Georges Gromort, and the practising architect Roger-Henri Expert. Back in Romania, GMC performed a fruitful diversity of creative activities as an architect, theoretician, critic, translator, teacher, painter and politician. It is by virtue of his buildings, writings and Classical attitude, that he earned his reputation as unchallenged integrative leader of the young Romanian architectural scene of the 1930s. In 1928, he published a critical essay on Palladio (in French), in 1947 he accomplished the first translation into Romanian of Vitruvius. With L´Architecture d´aujourd´hui, he became the first Romanian correspondent of the magazine (1934-1936). He also went on numerous study journeys through Europe, the Middle East and the USA (1920-1940). Additionally, GMC was chief architect of the Romanian Railway Company CFR (1937-1940), and professor of history and theory of architecture in Bucharest (1942-1948). His cultural magazine Simetria (1939-1947) became a sort of centre of the "Aesthetics of Resistance" (Peter Weiss) against Fascism and Communism. After his imprisonment due to his opposition to the regime (1948-1954), GMC first worked for the Commission of Historic Monuments (1954-1957) and then experienced social exclusion until his untimely death (1960). Architecture GMC´s projects are marked by compositional balance and density, the aesthetic principle of discreetly ornamented, simplified mass, and the material ethics. At the same time, GMC proved sceptical towards epoch labels. Very much affected by the "élan vital" coined by French philosopher Henri Bergson, GMC refused to apply the term "style" to the dynamism of contemporary architecture. Actually, his wide-ranging architecture aroused particular interest with Palladianism and various attempts at a synthesis between Modernism, late Byzantine-Romanian traditions and Classicism. Although being impressed by Le Corbusier, GMC was rather influenced by two other mouvements: the Groupe des Architectes Modernes with Perret, Garnier, Sauvage and Expert, and the school of Schinkel-Semper-Wagner-Loos. A Classical attitude GMC´s wide range of activities was inspired by a liberal polical attitude and freemasonic thinking. These were backed by the concept of a Classical attitude, which links modernism to tradition, and binds aesthetics to ethics. Thus GMC revived two antique ideas: the Aristotelian notion of architecture as a pragmatic art, and the Vitruvian symmetry as happy proportion and dynamic balance. As a concept of historical and philosophical interpretation (referring to the study of classics and aesthetic principles of composition as proportion, rhythm and harmony) the Classical attitude contributes to the act of designing which is further based on the personality of the architect and on the context of the project (i.e. landscape, culture, urban fabric, materials). In terms of cultural and educational policy, the Classical attitude might be interpreted as a strategy for an architectural and cultural rejuvenation, and as an architectural cultural attempt at designing the vision of a pluricultural Romania. For GMC offered a solution to the conflict between neo-Romanian Heimatstil and Internationalism: He considered them not as already fixed styles, but as movements. Tradition and Modernism, as GMC saw them, were not at all opposed to each other, but were, being different in nature, rather complementary to each other. With the Classical attitude GMC contributed to the debates on Classicism (Wölfflin, Klopfer) and on the "Rappel à l´ordre" (Cocteau). In terms of architectural theory, there is an astonishing closeness to Rudolf Wittkower. As a strategy for an architectural and cultural rejuvenation, the Classical attitude might be related to Schinkel´s theory of fusing of Greek Antiquity and Gothic, to the "theory of contending powers" of Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter, to Critical Regionalism or to Gerd de Bruyn´s notion of Classicism. Eventually, in a cultural and political sense, GMC´s recollection of the antique notion of symmetry astonishingly echos the notion of "dialogic" coined by French philosopher Edgar Morin (1988) as a character trait of European culture: "Europe symmetrisizes" (GMC 1947).
Dottorato di ricerca in Storia e cultura del viaggio e dell'odeporica in età moderna ; Lo studio che presento nella mia tesi di dottorato riguarda il viaggio che tre religiosi toscani, il frate camaldolese Silvestro Bernardini, l'ex-pievano Jacopo Bartolini e il canonico Gaetano Talej compiono a Roma nell'anno 1829, lasciandone testimonianza in un diario di viaggio che si conserva presso l'Archivio Storico del Monastero di Camaldoli. Il manoscritto, segnato Ms 134, consta di centoquarantadue fogli numerati progressivamente dall'estensore che dichiara di copiare dall'originale senza rivelare la propria identità. I protagonisti sono umili esponenti del basso clero e non dispongono perciò di laute risorse economiche. Viaggiare in società consente, quindi, di ammortizzare i costi ma non solo. Il gruppo è considerato un'entità indivisibile ed il viaggio è dominato dall'esigenza di condividere l'esperienza che si sta per intraprendere. E', infatti, una gita, un viaggio di piacere, che rappresenta una rottura nelle rispettive vite di questi religiosi, in quanto li proietta fuori i confini dell'universo monastico e li pone a contatto con un mondo altro e variegato che supera gli angusti orizzonti del proprio retroterra culturale. Ho cercato di evidenziare come questa gita di piacere consenta di sviluppare, in particolare in Silvestro Bernardini, una dimensione laica del viaggio effettivamente compiuto. Determinante il rapporto che si instaura con la guida di Mariano Vasi, l'Itinerario istruttivo in otto stazioni o giornate per ritrovare con facilità tutte le antiche e moderne magnificenze di Roma, che l'estensore richiama più volte nel corso del soggiorno romano e alla quale frequentemente rinvia il lettore per approfondire la descrizione dei monumenti più ragguardevoli della città eterna. Il suo uso conferma la volontà di una visita articolata in tappe seguendo un itinerario prestabilito, anche se l'estensore non mancherà di esternare l'insofferenza di Bernardini e Talej verso un modello di visita che Jacopo Bartolini, economo della società, vorrebbe rigidamente imprigionato nel modello delle otto giornate. La tesi è costituita da cinque capitoli. Il primo è dedicato alla presentazione di due tipologie di viaggiatori, nobili e religiosi, che si spostano dentro e fuori i confini dello Stato Pontificio nell'età moderna. L'argomento è illustrato anche attraverso documenti inediti conservati in alcuni importanti archivi di famiglia. Ho ritenuto importante che l'analisi di questo manoscritto fosse contestualizzata nel periodo storico di riferimento del viaggio compiuto: pertanto, nel secondo capitolo, ho elaborato una mappatura di viaggiatori italiani che nei primi anni del secolo XIX visitano, per motivi diversi, la città eterna, cercando di evidenziare i connotati peculiari del viaggio effettuato. Geografie diverse di viaggi e viaggiatori testimoniano un processo di democratizzazione che investe la cultura del viaggio conferendo a quest'ultimo un carattere "popolare". Il viaggio ha contribuito, quindi, ad avvicinare territori di uno stato non ancora unificato consentendo la scoperta di elementi comuni che legano l'Italia da un capo all'altro. Il terzo capitolo rappresenta un'interpretazione personale del manoscritto camaldolese dal punto di vista della letteratura di viaggio ed evidenzia l'instaurarsi di una logica di opposizione tra Bernardini e Bartolini che, da viaggiatori, divengono "personaggi". Il quarto, invece, ripercorre l'itinerario del viaggio di andata e di ritorno dei tre religiosi toscani, inserito nel contesto storico di riferimento. Ho delineato perciò le condizioni della rete viaria dello Stato Pontificio nella prima metà dell'Ottocento, un'epoca di Risorgimento e Restaurazione, segnata da importanti trasformazioni; ho evidenziato, inoltre, come il Risorgimento sia estraneo alla cultura dei nostri religiosi condizionandone, però, gli elementi dell'osservazione e dispiegando effetti sul viaggio stesso. Il quinto capitolo è una mappatura delle scritture di viaggio conservate negli istituti culturali frequentati ai fini della ricerca. In appendice ho riportato, invece, la trascrizione del manoscritto. ; The topic of my thesis is the journey made to Rome in 1829 by three Tuscan churchmen: the Camaldolese Silvestro Bernardini, the ex-parish priest Jacopo Bartolini, the treasurer of the group, and the canon Gaetano Talej. They wrote a diary of this journey which is preserved in the Historical Archive of the Monastery of Camaldoli. The manuscript, marked Ms 134, is made of 142 sheets of paper numbered in progressive order by the redactor, who never reveals his identity and states that e has just copied down the original text. The protagonists are humble members of the lower clergy and cannot rely on large financial resources, therefore travelling together allow them to amortize the expenses, moreover the journey itself is conceived as an experience to share. As a matter of fact it a journey for pleasure, which takes the three men away from their world and put them in contact with a more various and open-minded reality. I have tried to show how this experience developed, especially in Silvestro Bernardini, a lay value of the journey actually made. The relationship with the guide written by Mariano Vasi is crucial. The reference to this text confirms that the journey was thought as a series of steps following a planned route, even though the writer stresses on Bernardini's and Talej's dissatisfaction with Bartolini's proposal not to travel more than eight days. My thesis consists of 5 chapters. The first introduces two types of travellers, the noblemen and the churchmen, who move within and outside the Papal State in the modern age. The topic is also supported by unpublished documents preserved in family important archives. It is important to contextualize the manuscript in the historical background in which the journey took place , therefore in the second chapter I have developed a mapping of the Italian travellers who in the first years of the 19th century visit Rome for various reasons and I have tried to emphasise the peculiar features of each journey. Different journeys and travellers witness a process of democratization which involves the idea of travelling and gives it a "popular" value. In a country which was not yet unified the travel contributed to make distant territories near and to discover common elements across Italy. The third chapter is a personal interpretation of the Camaldolese manuscript according to the criteria of the traveller's literature, and underlines the rise of contrasting positions between Bernardini and Bartolini who turn into characters. The fourth one follows the outward and return journey of the three Tuscan churchmen, set in its historical background. Therefore I mapped the condition of the road network of the Papal State in the first half of the 19th century, a period of Risorgimento and Restaurazione, characterised by important changes; I have also shown how distant the three me' culture is from the Risorgimento, even though it affected the objects of their interest and the journey itself. The fifth chapter contains a list of the travel texts preserved in the cultural institutes I visited for my research. The manuscript has been inserted as addendum.
Author's introductionOver the last 20 years, there has been a technological advance and commercial boom in genetic technologies and projects. These developments include a renewed scientific interest in the biological status and genetic constitution of race. This aspect of genetic research is of interest to sociologists and others working in the field of race and ethnicity studies. While the consensus among sociologists is that race is a social construction with no biological foundations, innovations in genetic research have pushed sociologists and other social scientists to reflect upon the ways in which ideas of biology mediate everyday understandings of race. Anthropologists, cultural geographers and sociologists have begun to study the complex and ambivalent ways in which laypeople think about the biological and genetic constitution of racial identities. Central to this area of inquiry has been analysis of laypeople's engagements with the new reproductive technologies, such as IVF. In addition, social scientists have begun to study laypeople's uses of genealogical technologies that claim to trace family ancestries, including racial descent and ethnic origins. Ultimately, such studies enable a deeper understanding of the social construction of 'race', and in the course of so doing provide an important research avenue to challenge racism.Author recommendsWade, Peter 2002. Race, Nature and Culture: An Anthropological Perspective. London: Pluto Press.In this book, Peter Wade argues that anthropological studies of kinship provide a lens to think about how ideas of nature and culture mediate the formation of racial identities. Drawing upon studies from within anthropology, Wade contends that an increasing emphasis upon the 'gene' at the everyday level does not necessarily signify a growing genetic/biological determinism in laypeople's conceptions of race and human nature. Rather, he suggests anthropological studies that explore the biological and social 'origins' of persons can be deployed to unpack 'everyday' understandings of the relationship between ideas of 'race', 'nature' and 'culture'. In his review of anthropological approaches to the study of 'race', Wade (2002, 15) writes that, 'People…move between the biological and the social, the given and the developing, the permanent and the changeable, in ways that blur the boundary between them'.Skinner, D. 2006. 'Racialized Futures: Biologism and the Changing Politics of Identity.'Social Studies of Science 36: 459–88.In this paper, David Skinner examines sociologists' and scientists' reflections on the social and ethical implications of recent research on race and genetics. He argues research on race and genetics has led to both utopian and dystopian visions of the future: 'one in which scientific racism is revived, the other in which science finally abolishes race thinking'. Skinner contends that detailed critical attention needs to be paid to existing notions of relatedness, personhood and nature/culture, to understand the implication of genetic science on racial thinking.Franklin, S. and S. Mckinnon (eds) 2001. Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.This book provides a collection of articles that represent the diversity of perspectives that constitute the 'new kinship studies' within anthropology. Chapters by Kath Weston, Charis Thompson and Signe Howell focus explicitly upon how ideas of biology, blood and culture mediate the formation of racial identities within everyday and popular discourses. In this vein, Thompson explores how kinship ideologies become reconfigured by people who take‐up the opportunities offered by the new reproductive technologies, for example, ova and sperm donation. In so doing, Thompson's study illuminates the ways in which these recent clinical practices have opened a space for anthropologists to examine how ideas about biogenetic and social relatedness within families and across generations become intersected with ideas about the inheritance of ethnic and racial identities.Wade, Peter (ed.) 2007. Race, Ethnicity and Nation: Perspectives from Kinship and Genetics. Oxford: Berghahn, New York.This book brings together a collection of essays written by scholars who worked collaboratively for 3 years exploring everyday articulations of race, ethnicity and genetics across Europe in the face of innovations in genetic science. The book draws upon a rich array of anthropological studies of 'assisted reproduction, transnational adoption, mixed‐race families, Basque identity politics and post‐Soviet nation‐building' to explore how ideas of race, ethnicity, nation and nature are lived and experienced by people within differing European social contexts.Tyler, Katharine, 2009. 'Whiteness Studies and Laypeople's Engagements with Race and Genetics.'New Genetics and Society 28 (1): 36–48.In this paper, Tyler proposes a research strategy for examining laypeople's thoughts and reflections on innovations in the science of race and genetics. While some sociologists have shown a reluctance to engage in such discussions, Tyler argues that social scientists need to take such views seriously. To do this, the paper brings together an anthropological approach to the study of scientific literacy and recent scholarship in the field of Whiteness studies. The combining of these literatures raises a set of interesting and sometimes uncomfortable questions about the ways in which social scientists and research participants contribute to the reproduction of White power and dominance in Western societies.Online materials'Ten commandments' of race and genetics issued, Science in Society http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn14345‐ten‐commandments‐of‐race‐and‐genetics‐issued.html This website describes 10 'guiding principles' for the scientific community in relation to research on race and genetics. These principles were written by a multidisciplinary group including geneticists, psychologists, historians and philosophers. At the end of the principles are reflections from readers of the New Scientist. Motherland: A Genetic Journey, BBC Documentary, Director Archie Baron; Producer Tabitha Jackson http://www.rootsforreal.com/motherland_en.php The programme analysed the DNA of 228 Black African Caribbean descent men and women living in the United Kingdom. The research participants were selected on the criteria that they had two generations of paternal and maternal grandparents that were of Black African Caribbean descent. Twenty‐six percent of the Black male participants were told that their Y chromosome, inherited through the male line, traced them back to a European ancestor. The tests also showed that mitochondria DNA that is inherited through the maternal line affiliated many of the research participants with ancestors from African tribal groups. The documentary follows the journeys of three research participants who used their newly acquired genetic kinship to interrogate either their Black/African or their White/European ancestry, depending on which aspect of their identity was important to them. In this regard, the viewer is left with the impression that an individual's DNA can be objectively coded, separated and divided into its racially distinct component parts. However, when the research participants embarked on their journeys to forgotten African and Caribbean ancestral home‐places, they unexpectedly discovered the entanglement of White and Black people's colonial histories and origins. In this way, knowledge of genetic ancestry when combined with social relationships and history can be put to work to undermine the idea of racially pure lines of descent within families.'Roots for Real, your ancestry discovered' http://www.rootsforreal.com/?gclid=CNbs86LYu5kCFQ00QwodliIP6A 'Roots for Real' is a commercial organisation that offers a DNA tracing service, as used in the BBC programme, Motherland, to the general public. Deploying an 'at home saliva test', this service promises to analyse individual's maternal and paternal ancestry, and match it with the company's database of samples from all over the world. A map is sent to the genealogist (i.e. the client) estimating the location of the client's ancestral origins. The website includes links to testimonies from people who have used this site, press coverage of this service and a description of 'ancient migrations'.'African American Lives 2' http://www.pbs.org/wnet/aalives/ This website accompanies Professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr, television series that traced famous African American people's ancestries back to slave times. The research deploys the same kinds of genealogical techniques used in the Motherland experiment, as well as archival and historical research. Gates' guests include Tina Turney, Morgan Freeman and Maya Angelou. The website provides information about the television series, video clips from the series, including interviews with famous African Americans, background on the scientific and scholastic research, and resources for people to learn more about their own family history and genealogy.'Oxford Ancestors Ltd' http://www.oxfordancestors.com/ Oxford Ancestors was the first provider of DNA‐based services in the UK. The founder is Professor Bryan Sykes, a geneticist at Oxford University. Through the use of a saliva test, Sykes claims to be able to trace an individual's European maternal ancestry back to one of seven 'clan mothers', who are ultimately all related to 'Mitochondrial Eve' the original mother. Catherine Nash has written extensively about the gendered and ethnic meanings embedded within the work of Bryan Sykes in the following article: Nash, C. 2004 'Genetic Kinship.'Cultural Studies 18: 1–33.Sample syllabusOverview of the courseThis course introduces students to the contemporary debates in the sociological and anthropological study of race, ethnicity and racism. Historical material, social theories and ethnographic studies will be used to illustrate the social construction of race and ethnicity and the reproduction of racial power in western societies.Lecture 1 – Meanings of race and ethnicityWhat is race? What is ethnicity? How do race and ethnicity relate to racism? The era post‐1945, it has been argued, marked a shift from 'biological racism' to 'cultural racism' in which culture, rather than biology, forms the reference point for defining identities previously seen as racial. We consider to what extent such a shift has actually taken place. We shall also examine the ways in which this shift corresponds with a change in social policy and academic debates from the use of the term 'race' to 'ethnicity'.Anthias, F. and Yuval‐Davis 1992. Racialised Boundaries. Routledge.Barker, M. 1981. The New Racism: Conservatives and the Ideology of the Tribe. Junction Books.Goldberg, D. T. 1993. Racist Culture: Philosophy and the Politics of Meaning. Blackwells.Malik, K. 1996. The Meaning of Race. New York University Press.Wade, P. 2002. Race, Nature and Culture. Pluto Press.Post‐race: The end of race?Lecture 10 – Interracial IdentitiesWith a marked rise in the number of children of mixed parentage, there is a growing body of literature that explores the experiences and identities of the members of interracial families. This body of literature challenges simplistic understandings of 'race', nation and culture through an interrogation of what it means to be the parent of mixed‐race children and/or to grow up and claim a 'mixed' identity.Ali, S. 2003. Mixed‐Race, Post‐Race. Berg.Alibhai‐Brown, Yasmin 2001. Mixed Feelings: The Complex Lives of Mixed‐Race Britons. The Women's Press.Brah, A. and Coombes, A. 2000. Hybridity and its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture. Routledge (see Part 1 of this book titled 'Miscegenation and Racial Purity' that include essays by Stoler, Labanyi, Phoenix and Owen, Treacher).Frankenberg, R. 1993. White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness. Routledge (chapter 5).Howell, S. 2001. 'Self‐Conscious Kinship: Some Contested Values in Norwegian Transnational Adoption', in Franklin, S. and Mckinnon, S. (eds), Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Duke University Press.Ifekwunigwe, J. 1999. Scattered Belongings: Cultural Paradoxes of 'Race', Nation and Gender. Routledge.Parker, D. and Song, M. 2001. Rethinking 'Mixed Race'. Pluto Press.Root, M. (eds) 1992. Racially Mixed People in America. Sage.Tizard, B. and Ann Phoenix 1993. Black White or Mixed‐Race? Race and Racism in the Lives of Young People of Mixed Parentage. New York: Routledge.Twine, F. W. 2000. 'Bearing Blackness in Britain: The Meaning of Racial Difference for White Birth Mothers of African‐Descent Children.' Pp. 76–108 in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Tyler, K. 2005. 'The Genealogical Imagination: The Inheritance of Interracial Identities.'The Sociological Review 53 (3): 475–94.Wilson, A. 1987. Mixed Race Children: A Study of Identity. Allen and Unwin.Zack, N. (ed). American Mixed‐Race: The Culture of Microdiversity. Rowman and Littlefield Pub.Lecture 12 – Race, genealogy and geneticsRecent research into human genetics has probed the relationship between human characteristics and the meaning of racial difference. Some social critics have warned that such research will heighten racist attitudes, whereas others argue that the new genetic research opens the way to a post‐racial future. In this lecture, we shall examine this debate and in doing so inquire into the interpretations that laypersons might hold of the relationship between race, genetics and human nature.Brodwin, P. 2004. 'Genetics, Identity and the Anthropology of Essentialism.' Pp. 116‐122 in Mixed Race Studies: A Reader, edited by J. O. Ifekwunigwe. London: Routledge.Condit, C. M, et al. 2002. 'Lay Understandings of the Relationship Between Race and Genetics: Development of a Collectivized Knowledge Through Shared Discourse.'Public Understandings of Science 2: 373–87.Cross, K. 2001. 'Framing Whiteness: The human Genome Diversity Project (As Seen on TV).'Science as Culture 10 (3).Essed, P. and D. T. Goldberg 2002. 'Cloning Cultures: The Social Injustices of Sameness.'Ethnic and Racial Studies 25 (6).Franklin, S. and Ragone, H. 1998. Reproducing Reproduction: Kinship, Power and Technological Innovation. University of Pennsylvania Press.Franklin, S. and Mckinnon, S. 2001. Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Duke University Press.Gilroy, P. 2000. Between Camps: Nations, Cultures and the Allure of Race. Penguin.Haraway, D. 2000. 'Deanimations: Maps and Portraits of Life Itself.' in Hybridity and its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture, edited by A. Brah and A. Coombes. Routledge.Inhorn, M. C. 2000. 'Missing Motherhood: Infertility, Technology, and Poverty in Egyptian Women's Lives.' in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Marks, J. 2001. 'We're Going to Tell These People Who They Really Are,' in Relative values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies, edited by S. Franklin and S. Mckinnon (eds). Duke University Press.Moore, D., Kosek, J and Pandian, A. 2003. Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference. Duke University Press.Nash, C. 2002. 'Genealogical Identities.'Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 20.Nash, C. 2004. Genetic Kinship. Cultural Studies 18: 1–33.Palsson, G and Haroardottir, K. E. 2002. 'For Whom the Cell Tolls.'Current Anthropology 43 (2).Reardon, J. 2001. 'The Human Genome Diversity Project: A Case Study in Coproduction.'Social Studies of Science 31 (3).Ragone, H. 2000. 'Of Likeness and Difference: How Race is Being Transfigured by Gestational Surrogacy.' in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Steinberg, D. L. 2000. "Reading Genes/Writing Nation: Reith, 'Race' and the Writings of Geneticist Steve Jones." in Hybridity and Its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture, edited by A. Brah and A. Coombes. Routledge.Skinner, D. 2006. 'Racialized Futures: Biologism and the Changing Politics of Identity.'Social Studies of Science 36: 459–88.Skinner, D. 2007. "Groundhog Day? The Strange Case of Sociology, Race and 'Science'."Sociology 41: 931–44.Thompson, C. 2001. 'Strategic Naturalising: Kinship in an Infertility Clinic.' in Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies, edited by S. Franklin and S. Mckinnon. Duke University Press.Tyler, K. 2007b. "Race, Genetics and Inheritance: Reflections Upon the Birth of 'Black' Twins to a 'White' IVF Mother." Pp. 33–51 in Race, Ethnicity and Nation: Perspectives from Kinship and Genetics, edited by Peter Wade. Berghahn Books.Tyler, K. 2009. 'Whiteness Studies and Laypeople's Engagements with Race and Genetics.'New Genetics and Society, 28 (1): 35–48.Tyler, K. 2008. 'Ethnographic Approaches to Race, Genetics and Genealogy.'Sociology Compass, 2 (6): 1860–77.Wade, P. 2002. Race, Nature and Culture: An Anthropological Perspective. Pluto Press.Wailoo, K. 2003 'Inventing the Heterozygote: Molecular Biology, Racial Identity and the Narrative of Sickle‐Cell Disease, Tay‐Sachs and Cystic Fibrosis.' in Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference, edited by D. Moore, J. Kosek and A. Pandian. Duke University Press.Wiegman, R. 2003. 'Intimate Publics: Race, Property, and Personhood.' in Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference, edited by D. Moore, J. Kosek and A. Pandian. Duke University Press.
If each of us were to consider the food we had for lunch, we can probably estimate whether it was relatively healthy (e.g., did we go hungry, did it add to the variety of our diet, or consumption of five fruits and vegetables a day?). How easy is to make a similar judgement on whether our lunch contributed to a sustainable diet? For example, the carbon emissions associated with a simple sandwich can more than double, depending on the filling, where it is made, the packaging used and many more factors.1 Drawing on the past experiences of nutrition labelling on food products, we consider whether sustainability labelling can provide a practical route to encourage sustainable food choices, sustainable market changes, and a move towards sustainable and healthy food systems. Sustainability labelling on food products is most commonly associated with social and ecological certification schemes (e.g., USDA Organic Seal; Fairtrade mark; Friend of the Sea).2 More recently, an increasing number of labels have emerged which estimate the impact of a product on one or more environmental factor e.g., carbon foot-printing as a marker of greenhouse gas emissions or climate change.3 Research suggests there is a demand for these different types of sustainability labels; yet, it is uncertain if these labels will affect our everyday selections and purchases of food.4 Price, taste, brand, appearance, product familiarity and habits are still dominant reasons for our food choices; however, over 20 years' of research indicates nutrition labelling can drive healthy food choices and incentivise product reformulation.5 In 2019, a meta-analysis investigated the impact of nutrition labels on food products and menus (including a variety of nutrient content labels, claims, logos, or indices, such as warning labels and traffic light labels). They concluded a small impact of labels, which can reduce total energy and total fat consumption, increase vegetable intake, and positively impact industry reformulation for sodium and trans fat content.5 Further research is on-going regarding whether these impacts follow a social gradient and compound diet-related health inequalities (e.g., reformulated 'healthier' products are added to a range at a higher price point/available only in higher income countries; or numeracy skills are required to interpret health indicating labels).6 Food labelling has become part of the food system infrastructure, yet there are challenges with governing this sector. Voluntary recommendations and mandatory regulations are used to facilitate inter-/national trade (e.g., country of origin requirements by the FAO/WHO Codex Alimentarius food labelling standards), and signify quality assurance, safety and traceability standards (e.g., declaration of trans fatty acids content). Ensuring compliance with regulation requires considerable resources from those responsible for governing the food system. For example, the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) has been harmonising and adapting food labelling regulation since 2006 to keep pace with a proliferation of food labels in the market. EFSA now require a portfolio of evidence from each manufacturer to authorise the use of a health or nutrient claim on their food product. This is to protect fair competition within the food industry and also to monitor the validity of claims to protect the public from being misled. Producing and reviewing these portfolios has taken considerable resources for both EFSA and the food industry. It is worthwhile to consider whether existing regulation and regulatory resources are sufficient to monitor sustainability claims if they were to become more widespread. Trust and transparency in any labelling scheme is essential for it to be meaningful and motivate change in individuals or industries. We have seen confusion surrounding the use of the term 'organic' on food products. These products can be ascribed a 'health halo', yet there are limitations in the evidence indicating a superior nutrition quality of organic products and health benefits may be more associated with the social values attributed to organic production. The use of certification schemes can encourage transparent standards; however, this is less clear with schemes (e.g., Fair Trade) which have been brought in-house: where products are self-certified rather than part of an 'independent' certification scheme. It is difficult to discern the sustainability of a product at point of purchase and maintaining the trust and transparency of different sustainability indices or metrics, across inconsistent product categories, will be paramount to ensuring accountability for food fraud or the use of exploitative marketing techniques.7 A major challenge with sustainability labelling of food products is the complexity of the sustainability concept itself, as well as the food system within which it operates. Sustainability is multi-faceted and sustainable food systems represent not only environmental factors (ecology), they are also sensitive to the health of the population today and in the future (nutrition, food security), and society as a whole (ethics and social welfare). Food systems themselves are also dynamic and complex: involving a multitude of changeable and inter-related activities, actors, and infrastructure from the production to the consumption, recycling and/or disposal of food. At every point there can be multiple environmental impacts, related to biodiversity, green house gas emissions (carbon dioxide, methane etc.), land, water or other resource use (e.g., nitrogen or phosphorous management). All these factors complicate the ability to create a metric or index that can trace a product as it journeys through the food system in order to assess its environmental, health or social impacts. Creating food systems that provide healthy food to everyone today and in future generations without exploiting human or planetary resources is one of the greatest challenges of this century. The development and use of sustainability labelling has the potential to play a role in moving towards sustainable and healthy food systems and a sustainable future, as outlined in the aims of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. The reach of food labelling is considerable and could increase public awareness of how food is produced and consumed. Nutrient labelling remains a popular public health intervention, with mandatory nutrition labelling in at least 50 countries worldwide, with highly processed and packaged foods making an ever greater contribution to the global diet (e.g., in a sample of sixteen countries approximately 85 % of packaged food carried a nutrient label, health/nutrition claim, or a health/nutrition marketing claim).8 9 Past experiences of nutrition labelling provide a number of cautions to the rise in sustainability labelling. First, sustainability labelling is unlikely to be a panacea for behaviour change in consumers. Instead it can target small incremental changes at different levels and actors in the food system, within both individuals and organisations. Second, there is the potential for confusion with sustainability concepts, which can be exploited for commercial or political use, particularly where competing interests are present. The media and public attention on climate change and rise in sustainability labelling of food products provides an opportunity to develop food system analytics and sustainability metrics. Using these metrics, actors within the food system will be better equipped to communicate the nuances and evaluate the risks and trade-offs of system-wide interventions, and ultimately contribute to the evolution of sustainable and healthy food systems. The authors declare no competing interests. KAB, FH, CK contributed substantially to the conception and drafting of this work; KAB, FH, FH, CK, CP revised the work critically for important intellectual content; all authors approved the final version to be published and agree to be accountable for the work. All authors receive funding from the Wellcome Trust's Our Planet, Our Health programme: KAB, FH, CK via the Sustainable and Healthy Food Systems (SHEFS) programme [grant number 205200/Z/16/Z], and CP via the Livestock, Environment and People (LEAP) project [grant number 205212/Z/16/Z]. This commentary does not necessarily reflect the views of the Wellcome Trust or its future policy in this area.
This set of reports on manufacturing plans implementation in India includes the following: (1) A new agenda. Improving the competitiveness of the textiles and apparel value chain in India report is structured as follows: section one sets out the context, describing trends in global markets and in the textiles and apparel supply chain in India; section two analyzes in detail the choke points that are hindering the growth of the latter; section three sets out a reform agenda to address them; and section four concludes. (2) Fast tracking Indias electronics manufacturing industry. Business environment and industrial policy examines the prospects for India to meet its potential. Drawing on extensive survey questionnaires and interviews with key industry players (both domestic and foreign) and relevant government agencies, this study identifies major challenges India-based companies face in engaging in electronics manufacturing. The analysis culminates in detailed policy suggestions for regulatory reform and support policies needed to unblock barriers to investment in this industry and to fast-track it's upgrading through innovation. (3) Supply chain delays and uncertainty in India. The hidden constraint on manufacturing growth report provides the context of the freight and logistics industry in India; describes the headline impacts of its performance on manufacturing firms; explores variations in this impact and causes thereof; and concludes with a more detailed look at the reform agenda this motivates.
