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This book is an examination of the permissions, prohibitions and obligations found in just war theory, and the moral grounds for laws concerning war. Pronouncing an action or course of actions to be prohibited, permitted or obligatory by just war theory does not thereby establish the moral grounds of that prohibition, permission or obligation; nor does such a pronouncement have sufficient persuasive force to govern actions in the public arena. So what are the moral grounds of laws concerning war, and what ought these laws to be?Adopting the distinction between jus ad bellum>

Recurring contestation of the application of the Responsibility to Protect (
R2P
) in conflict situations has given rise to assessments that portray R2P as not a norm at all, but rather a norm-to-be or one in decay. This article aims to show that norms do not lose their validity because they are contested. All norms rely on applicatory discourses to establish their appropriateness for given situations. Contestation regarding their application can even strengthen norms when it provokes learning processes. Norm validity is at risk if contestation radicalises, that is, turns into norm justification. As yet there are only few signs of radicalisation of the contestation of
R2P
.

Instruments of public policy involve more than themselves. They have to go through a political process of drawing up and adopting that shapes their properties, often far from expectations projected on these instruments by economic analysis. The study of international coordination around the climate issue reveals that the choice of an instrument can make the decision regarding how to qualify the situation and choose appropriate normative benchmarks, and then reconfigure the problems of distributive justice to solve. Any linear sequential approach of building an instrumental regime wanted "fair and effective" is so vain. In parallel the failure of the carbon tax in France shows how a "civic" rationale may take up an unfamiliar instrument, as originally designed according to strict "industrial-merchant" concepts, to the point of inducing its abortion. An economic logic focused on cost-effectiveness saw no differences where the fiscal logic saw essential and unjustifiable ones in the name of its civic foundations. Suggestions are made on how to approach this interweaving. ; Les instruments de politique publique engagent plus qu'eux-mêmes. Ils ont à passer par un processus politique de conception et d'adoption qui en façonne les propriétés, souvent loin des attentes projetées sur ces instruments par l'analyse économique. L'étude de la coordination internationale autour de l'enjeu climatique révèle ainsi que le choix d'un instrument peut décider de la qualification de la situation et déterminer les repères de justification pertinents, mais aussi qu'il reconfigure alors les problèmes de justice distributive à résoudre. Toute approche séquentielle linéaire de la construction d'un régime instrumental voulu " juste et efficace " est alors vaine. En parallèle l'échec de la contribution carbone en France montre comment une logique " civique " peut se saisir d'un instrument qui lui est étranger, car d'abord conçu en fonction de stricts repères " industrialo-marchands ", au point d'en provoquer l'avortement. La logique ...

Instruments of public policy involve more than themselves. They have to go through a political process of drawing up and adopting that shapes their properties, often far from expectations projected on these instruments by economic analysis. The study of international coordination around the climate issue reveals that the choice of an instrument can make the decision regarding how to qualify the situation and choose appropriate normative benchmarks, and then reconfigure the problems of distributive justice to solve. Any linear sequential approach of building an instrumental regime wanted "fair and effective" is so vain. In parallel the failure of the carbon tax in France shows how a "civic" rationale may take up an unfamiliar instrument, as originally designed according to strict "industrial-merchant" concepts, to the point of inducing its abortion. An economic logic focused on cost-effectiveness saw no differences where the fiscal logic saw essential and unjustifiable ones in the name of its civic foundations. Suggestions are made on how to approach this interweaving. ; Les instruments de politique publique engagent plus qu'eux-mêmes. Ils ont à passer par un processus politique de conception et d'adoption qui en façonne les propriétés, souvent loin des attentes projetées sur ces instruments par l'analyse économique. L'étude de la coordination internationale autour de l'enjeu climatique révèle ainsi que le choix d'un instrument peut décider de la qualification de la situation et déterminer les repères de justification pertinents, mais aussi qu'il reconfigure alors les problèmes de justice distributive à résoudre. Toute approche séquentielle linéaire de la construction d'un régime instrumental voulu " juste et efficace " est alors vaine. En parallèle l'échec de la contribution carbone en France montre comment une logique " civique " peut se saisir d'un instrument qui lui est étranger, car d'abord conçu en fonction de stricts repères " industrialo-marchands ", au point d'en provoquer l'avortement. La logique économique centrée sur l'efficacité ne voyait pas de différences là où la logique fiscale en voyait d'essentielles et d'injustifiables au nom de ses fondements civiques. Des suggestions sont formulées quant à la manière d'aborder cette imbrication.

The classical and the former Catholic doctrines of tyrannicide remind us that in the Western tradition of citizenship and political thought, tyrannicide is worthy. Recent legislation against the glorification of terrorism is too wide and vague, and denies any link between tyrannicide and liberty. A good production of Shakespeare's Julius Caesar should not make the act of tyrannicide per se problematic, but should seize the dilemma of whether or not Julius Caesar was becoming a tyrant rather than a consul with constitutional powers for war or emergency. Both Hannah Arendt and our contemporary Ted Honderich offer philosophical justifications of violence in defined and not uncommon circumstances. Terrorism is sometimes the only resort of the poor and oppressed.