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Shipping list no.: 2008-0229-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article addresses the question why developmental states emerged where they did, with a focus on the cases of South Korea & Indonesia. The analysis centers on state developmental structures, not on developmental roles or pro-growth policies. In contrast with existing scholarship that stresses colonial legacies, I argue that intraelite & elite-mass interactions, especially, but not necessarily during state formation, are the primary origin of developmental states. The framework suggested here not only fills in a critical theoretical lacuna in the developmental state literature, but also contributes to the debate on the relationship between regime types & development. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- 1 Introduction: The elusive goal -- 2 Ambitions: The state-building agenda of UN transitional administrations -- 3 Concepts: The rule of law in UN state-building missions -- 4 The line of least resistance: The UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia -- 5 State-building without a state: The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo -- 6 Beyond the blank slate: The UN Transitional Administration in East Timor -- 7 No entry without strategy -- Bibliography -- Index.

Preparing for nation-building -- The military -- The police -- Rule of law -- Humanitarian relief -- Governance -- Economic stabilization -- Democratization -- Development -- Conclusion: the cost of nation building -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the authors

This article explores the discourses of multiculturalism and gender equality in relation to nation-building in Finland. The two discourses relate differently to the nation so that gender equality is seen as inherent to the nation while multiculturalism is seen as a challenge posed from outside. Nevertheless, the two discourses are dependent upon each other and cite each other. The material for the analysis is a document produced by an NGO-based multicultural women's project in Finland. The article can also be read as a contribution to the debate over the compatibility between gender equality and multiculturalism through an analysis of how gender equality - as an ideology and as a set of practices - is deeply embedded in the production of otherness in the Finnish context.

The questions of how to empower the Iraqis most effectively and then progressively withdraw non-Iraqi forces from that country is one of the most important policy problems currently facing the United States. The authors seek to present the U.S. situation in Iraq in all of its complexity and ambiguity, with policy recommendations for how that withdrawal strategy might be most effectively implemented. ; "October 2005." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 47-60). ; The questions of how to empower the Iraqis most effectively and then progressively withdraw non-Iraqi forces from that country is one of the most important policy problems currently facing the United States. The authors seek to present the U.S. situation in Iraq in all of its complexity and ambiguity, with policy recommendations for how that withdrawal strategy might be most effectively implemented. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This thesis considers Michael Ignatieff's theory regarding ethnic conflict and applies Afghanistan as a case study. Ignatieff correlates the outbreak of ethnic violence to the breakdown of state government which creates societal anarchy and war. Ignatieff argues that ethnic relations can improve through the creation of democratic institutions. Afghanistan represents a model empirical case study to explore the central tenets of the Ignatieff thesis. Ignatieff's argument is critically analyzed by assessing the viability of transplanting democratic institutions into Afghanistan. According to democratic theory a successful democracy requires a strong economy, a vibrant civil society, an advantageous institutional history and a positive security and geopolitical environment. Based on these five key variables it is reasonable to conclude that Afghanistan is not predisposed to pluralistic governance. Such analysis highlights the limitations of Ignatieff's thesis as his theory is only relevant to those post-conflict societies that possess the requisite preconditions for democracy. ; February 2007

The present report provides a series of ambitious but practical recommendations that can have a significant and long-lasting impact on the effectiveness and relevance of the United Nations system. The report proposes measures to strengthen coherence at the center in the areas of governance, funding and management that are critical for a revamped United Nations development system. Moreover, many of the proposals are meant to ensure a much more effective integration and strengthening of the policy and normative role of the United Nations and better alignment with operational roles and structures.--Publisher's description

The article attempts to analyze the public debate in a present day Poland focused on the country's recent history and memory (or memories). The author believes that among other lines dividing Polish society, the cultural line separating opposing "communities of memory" is of special importance. The political and public life of the country is facing a paradox: the media and several political leaders view the past as the last potential platform for a national unity and a source of commonly shared values and ideas. They treat the past as the support for gaining publicity and political capital. But this past orientation causes further division and conflict since, instead of a single past, participants in the public discourse view several competing pasts. The author proposes two ideal types of historical narratives in Poland: national and civic. Turning points, the pantheon of heroes, and modes of narration are sometimes mirror images of one another. Since recently the "national" paradigm is prevalent the author believes that the new European identity (or plurality of collective identities) of Poland can be successfully built only on a civic, not a national, platform of historical narrative. Kurti praeitį, pamiršti ateitį: ar Lenkijos visuomenė grindžiama istoriniu pažinimu? Santrauka. Straipsnyje apmąstoma nūdienėje Lenkijoje vykstanti viešoji šalies istorijos ir atminties (atminčių) diskusija. Autoriaus manymu, šiandienėje lenkiškoje kultūroje atsiranda itin svarbus "atminties bendruomenių" fenomenas. Šalies politiniame ir viešajame gyvenime iškilo tam tikras paradoksas: paskiri žiniasklaidos ir politikos atstovai praeitį supranta kaip vienintelį galimą tautinės vienybės ir tautinių vertybių pamatą ir šaltinį. Senosios tradicijos čia traktuojamos kaip galimybė siekti viešumo ir politinio kapitalo. Ši pozicija iš esmės prieštarauja kitai, kuri viešajame diskurse praeitį traktuoja kaip daugybę tarpusavyje besivaržančių praeičių. Straipsnio autorius skiria du idealius istorinių naratyvų šiuolaikinėje Lenkijoje tipus – ...

The article attempts to analyze the public debate in a present day Poland focused on the country's recent history and memory (or memories). The author believes that among other lines dividing Polish society, the cultural line separating opposing "communities of memory" is of special importance. The political and public life of the country is facing a paradox: the media and several political leaders view the past as the last potential platform for a national unity and a source of commonly shared values and ideas. They treat the past as the support for gaining publicity and political capital. But this past orientation causes further division and conflict since, instead of a single past, participants in the public discourse view several competing pasts. The author proposes two ideal types of historical narratives in Poland: national and civic. Turning points, the pantheon of heroes, and modes of narration are sometimes mirror images of one another. Since recently the "national" paradigm is prevalent the author believes that the new European identity (or plurality of collective identities) of Poland can be successfully built only on a civic, not a national, platform of historical narrative. Kurti praeitį, pamiršti ateitį: ar Lenkijos visuomenė grindžiama istoriniu pažinimu? Santrauka Straipsnyje apmąstoma nūdienėje Lenkijoje vykstanti viešoji šalies istorijos ir atminties (atminčių) diskusija. Autoriaus manymu, šiandienėje lenkiškoje kultūroje atsiranda itin svarbus "atminties bendruomenių" fenomenas. Šalies politiniame ir viešajame gyvenime iškilo tam tikras paradoksas: paskiri žiniasklaidos ir politikos atstovai praeitį supranta kaip vienintelį galimą tautinės vienybės ir tautinių vertybių pamatą ir šaltinį. Senosios tradicijos čia traktuojamos kaip galimybė siekti viešumo ir politinio kapitalo. Ši pozicija iš esmės prieštarauja kitai, kuri viešajame diskurse praeitį traktuoja kaip daugybę tarpusavyje besivaržančių praeičių. Straipsnio autorius skiria du idealius istorinių naratyvų šiuolaikinėje Lenkijoje tipus – tautinį ir pilietinį. Herojų panteonas ir tam tikri naracijos būdai neretai gali būti suprantami kaip vieni kitų veidrodiniai atspindžiai. Dabartinė "tautinė" paradigma yra itin plačiai paplitusi, todėl, autoriaus manymu, naujojo Lenkijos europietiškojo tapatumo (ar kolektyvių tapatybių daugumos) pamatu gali tapti ne tautinis, o pilietinis istorinis naratyvas. Reikšminiai žodžiai: pilietinis švietimas, kolektyvinė atmintis, istorinė politika, socialinė atmintis, tautą formuojantis viešasis diskursas. First Published Online: 14 Oct 2010

Intro -- THE PARADOXES OF NATIONALISM -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Prologue -- Paris, June 1789 -- Examining the Nation-State Principle -- Exploring the French Revolution -- 1. Conception: How to Imagine a Preexisting,Voluntarist Nation -- Introduction -- 1.1 Conceptions of the Nation in Eighteenth-Century Polemical Dictionaries -- 1.2 Conceptions of the Nation in Social Contract Theories -- Conclusion -- 2. Constitution: How to Give the Nation a Political Voice -- Introduction -- 2.1 The Entrenchment of the Nation in French Political Rhetoric -- 2.2 The Creation of a National Assembly -- 2.3 The Contribution of the Abbé Sieyès -- Conclusion -- 3. Composition: How to Define Insiders and Outsiders -- Introduction -- 3.1 Implementing National Sovereignty -- 3.2 Defining National Membership -- 3.3 Consolidating National Identity -- Conclusion -- 4. Confrontation: How to Interact with Other Political Units -- Introduction -- 4.1 Revolutionary Principles -- 4.2 Revolutionary Policies -- 4.3 Revolutionary Practice -- Conclusion -- 5. Synthesis -- Introduction -- 5.1 Drawing Insights from the Four Paradoxes -- 5.2 Re-examining the Nation-State Principle -- 5.3 Exploring Alternatives to Nation-Statism -- Conclusion -- 6. Epilogue-Confrontation Revisited -- Introduction -- 6.1 Exporting American Ideals -- 6.2 Building an Iraqi Democracy -- Conclusion -- Conclusions -- Appendix -- Notes -- Selected Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.