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Women's have proven themselves dynamic, vibrant, sincere, and perfect in a variety of fields all over the world. Women have demonstrated that they are not inferior to men in any way through their contributions to shaping the development of a nation. To prove their genius in a male-dominated society, they are efficient and perseverant enough to overcome all odds, challenges, and obstacles with their wits. In post-conflict countries, women can play a greater role in nation-building, which can lead to economic and political stability. Creating a more just, peaceful, and prosperous society requires the active involvement of women in post-conflict nation-building. The aim of study is to highlight the role of women in nation building.

Nation-building is a complex process and can be accomplished in many ways. While the Portuguese 20th century dictatorship of Oliveira Salazar enforced the many traits that made this period what it is, it remains a fact that the regime concerned itself with external policies and with the image it created among other countries, especially within Europe. One of the forms of imposing this idea of a nation was naturally through propaganda or 'soft power'. The aim of this presentation is to show how translated propaganda contributed to a specific image of Portugal abroad, mainly through the speeches of Salazar, during the period of 1930-1950. Over these two decades the regime commissioned a high amount of textual production in several European languages, this attitude of intense translation efforts being viewed as a clear propaganda tool in itself. The English language and the intention of creating a specific image of the country among the British politicians and policy-makers was the goal of this course of action. Throughout the work, this will be highlighted through the qualitative analysis of a corpus of 29 speeches by Salazar published in English, mainly in London through Faber & Faber, but also in Lisbon, through the National Propaganda Secretariat. These circulated in book form, but also as individual booklets published under the umbrella collection "Salazar says". These translations were for British consumption only. The outcome of this analysis will not only shed light on how the regime wanted to be known to a British target audience but also provide information on how the translation process occurred and thus shaped the nation-building process during this time frame and context. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This research is motivated by the geographical conditions of Indragiri Hilir Regency in the Southern Region of Riau Province with an area of + 18,812, 97 km2, the vast area of Indragiri Hilir Regency coupled with the condition of almost 80% of the territorial waters which causes a range of spite and the difficult distance of the community with Central government. This type of research belongs to the type of Observational Research legal research by survey. the formation of new autonomous regions will increase the cost of administering government, but is expected to improve the quality and equity of services to the community, increase the acceleration of economic development, especially in rural areas, facilitate the growth of democratic life in the regions, improve security and order in the regions, contribute to unity and nationality (nation building). Keywords ; This research is motivated by the geographical conditions of Indragiri Hilir Regency in the Southern Region of Riau Province with an area of + 18,812, 97 km2, the vast area of Indragiri Hilir Regency coupled with the condition of almost 80% of the territorial waters which causes a range of spite and the difficult distance of the community with Central government. This type of research belongs to the type of Observational Research legal research by survey. the formation of new autonomous regions will increase the cost of administering government, but is expected to improve the quality and equity of services to the community, increase the acceleration of economic development, especially in rural areas, facilitate the growth of democratic life in the regions, improve security and order in the regions, contribute to unity and nationality (nation building). Keywords

Emerging technologies like nanotechnologies are governed in different ways around the world. This article draws attention to an important element that can help to explain the emergence of this diversity in governance practices: the role of nanotechnology in nation-building. By investigating the relation between nanotechnology and the nation in India, the article demonstrates that various particularities of the Indian governance of nanotechnology can be explained by the relation between science, technology, and nation-building. The article discusses four instances in which the governance of nanotechnology in India is informed by the role science and technology has in nation-building: the historical image of India as a country that can attain modernity and development by engaging with modern science and technology supported the government's decision to free funds for nanotechnology research; the view of India as a country that cannot rely on foreign assistance to get access to the latest technologies reinforced the strategy to pro-actively pursue nanotechnology research and development itself; the historical use of science and technology as crucial elements in overcoming deeply rooted societal divisions enabled the science-centered way in which nanotechnology was governed; and the Indian ambition to become a global superpower informed the governance of nanotechnology as an object of international competition. The governance of nanotechnology in turn defines 'Indianness' in a post-liberalization world.

This journey of Nation-Statehood in Nigerian starts from the pre-colonial days of European conquest, then independence era to the end of Military regimes and consolidation of democracy. This paper has raised a question of states hood and their various political configurations which has been a long-standing subject of political philosophy and discussion from the formation of the old states hood of the Western and South in Nigeria politics. However, most societies that attained independence from Western colonialism in the mid-twentieth century has their own peculiar problems Nigeria is not an exemption as complex society with over 180 Million population and over 300 ethnic tribal groups under the excessive control of Central Government called Federal Government with little impact from States and Local Government to provide enable environment of peace and integration that has created a serious tension of various conflicts and lack trust between the various ethnic group to live in peace and harmony since the Nigeria independence in 1960s. The Primary focus of this paper is to connect political aspects of peace and national integration as a very important tool of sustainable development. This paper has suggested for Nigeria as country to live in peace and national integration the burden would be in the hands of leaders and citizens through providing a leaders that are patriotic to the maintenance of peaceful living and promotion of national integration by ensuring policies that can enhance to meet the demands of all ethnic groups through fairness, equity, justice and operating of good governance while the citizens should perceive other tribes as a brother keeps in the journey of nation building.

This study assessed the relationship between housing condition and the deterioration of urban physical environmental condition with physical planning variables in Minna town using three residential zones of varying Housing conditions and the intensity of Physical Planning. The data for this study was based on field survey and questionnaire designed to capture the physical environmental condition of housing reflected in density of occupancy, availability of water, sanitation facilities, vehicular accessibility etc, including other physical planning variables such as layout design of the settlements' building subjected to approve plans and availability of infrastructures. A review of the operation of the Government agency responsible for physical planning and control also yielded significant information. The study indicates that the higher the housing density in the studied area, the lower the intensity of physical planning control and vice versa. Also, the higher the housing density, the higher the deterioration of the physical environment. The study concludes that there is a need for comprehensive research on the issue in order to establish an effective and sustainable intervention for nation-building.

As the mid-nineteenth century "transportation revolution" reshaped the Atlantic word, its impact reached Italian shores. Transatlantic steamship projects in the Kingdom of Sardinia were part of that transformation; they also reflected and reinforced a new, positive attitude toward the Americas and, specifically, the United States, as well as US commercial policies toward Italy and Europe. Especially after 1848, this Atlantic reorientation of mental maps inside and outside political and economic circles in Turin and Genoa illustrated how the integration in the Atlantic space came to be seen as an opportunity in the pursuit of economic modernization and national unification. Finally, the tangle of interests and values surrounding transatlantic steamship navigation ultimately intersected with the Risorgimento in two major ways. First, thinking of "America" as an opportunity helped shape an idea of national identity based on exchange, more than antagonism, with the other. Second, transatlantic steamship, which was often see as an extension of the railway network, became part of the material process of nation building. The fiasco of the Compagnia Transatlantica (1852) exemplifies some of the discursive elements and structural limitations of Italian modernization.

This research concerns the process of nation-building in developing states with a focus on Pakistan. The study explores hurdles in the process of nation-building in Pakistan. In this connection, the study takes into account key political disparities such as uneven representation of various ethnic groups and regions in legislature and provincial assemblies, state-led cosmetic political reforms and feudalism and biradri-based political system that exist in various administrative units (and their tiers) of the state. The study also highlights the major administrative flaws and demographic shifts and divisions that are hampering the process of nation-building in Pakistan. The research also details the economic disparities found in various forms and at various levels in the state which minimize the prospects of nation-building in Pakistan. The study concludes that nation-building is always a state-controlled process and Pakistan has hardly addressed various hindrances in nation-building process such as political, demographic, administrative and economic issues of the various administrative units (and their tiers) as a state.

For most of the former European colonies of South and Southeast Asia, the end of the Second World War was also the beginning of the end of colonial rule. With independence came the challenge of unifying disparate ethnic, religious and linguistic communities into cohesive nations– a challenge that some countries met more successfully than others. The price of failure could be high – hundreds of thousands were killed, and many millions displaced in 1947, as inter-communal conflicts tore British India apart. Indonesia declared independence in 1945 (a declaration not recognised by the country's Dutch colonial rulers until 1949), while Burma (as Myanmar was then known) was granted independence by Britain in 1948. Both countries were able to avoid tragedies on the scale of the Indian Partition. Nevertheless, nation-building has been a difficult and as yet uncompleted process, the source of continuing challenges tonational security. This article looks at the situation in the two countries, traces the origins of some of the current problems, and attempts to explain why Indonesia has generally been more successful in this respect than Myanmar, despite the similarities in the initial situations of the two countries.

The literature suggests that Spain has never had a national identity but is rather an amalgam of regional identities. The accession to the European Union and the arrival of immigrants present new challenges to Spanish identity. Forging a national identity entails both building a solidarity based on 'belongingness' and excluding certain groups that might constitute a threat. These contemporary forms of exclusion aligned with immigration can be referred to as neo-racist.

This research concerns the process of nation-building in developing states with a focus on Pakistan. The study explores hurdles in the process of nation-building in Pakistan. In this connection, the study takes into account key political disparities such as uneven representation of various ethnic groups and regions in legislature and provincial assemblies, state-led cosmetic political reforms and feudalism and biradri-based political system that exist in various administrative units (and their tiers) of the state. The study also highlights the major administrative flaws and demographic shifts and divisions that are hampering the process of nation-building in Pakistan. The research also details the economic disparities found in various forms and at various levels in the state which minimize the prospects of nation-building in Pakistan. The study concludes that nation-building is always a state-controlled process and Pakistan has hardly addressed various hindrances in nation-building process such as political, demographic, administrative and economic issues of the various administrative units (and their tiers) as a state.

Contemporary Anglophone Cameroon drama mostly deals with a peculiar postcolonial political situation in which two peoples of opposing colonial experiences were brought together to form a nation. Drawing from the tenets of Postcolonial theories, this paper examines how Bole Butake and Bate Besong's dramaturgies imagine and represent a Cameroonian nation within the possibilities offered by dramatic art form. The post-colonial Cameroonian nation can be well understood if it is placed into the discourses around the "Anglophone Problem" and the different experiences of the Anglophone Cameroonians as a distinct category of people in the new nation. This paper also looks at how the playwrights indict colonization of Cameroon (a country with more than 250 ethnicities and languages) by three different European powers, to have further engendered cultural and linguistic differences. The communities that are artistically imagined by the playwrights often invoke a shared past or a cultural essence. The playwrights' projects seek to re-imagine a Cameroonian nation and re-write the Cameroonian history from below. In doing so, they recover the experiences of those who have been hitherto hidden from their history. This paper analyses the plays, among other postcolonial tenets, within Benedict Anderson's definition of a nation as an "imagined political community" and Richards David's idea about "Framing Identities". This study therefore evolves on the premises that, in the plays under study, in imagining a post-reunification Cameroonian nation Bole Butake and Bate Besong adopt different approaches that respectively range from the poetics of reconciliation to the aesthetics of resistance and confrontation to engage with identity politics.

The Spanish jurist, poet and journalist José Joaquín Mora was probably the first foreign political consultant to be hired by several different South American governments in the period immediately following the wars of independence (mid-1820–1830s). This paper takes a transnational approach to focus on his activities concerning Chile. It argues that Mora fitted the requirements of regional elites who aspired to have the New World drenched in European cultural values to make it a beacon of rational liberty, particularly for the Old World under the autocratic constrains of the Holy Alliance.

WOS: 000390933000005 ; The Battle of the Dardanelles (Canakkale), also known as the Gallipoli Campaign, played a crucial role in the construction and endorsement of national identity, irrespective of the immediate consequences such as the prolongation of the war or the resignation of Winston Churchill upon failure. The Battle of the Dardanelles is commemorated every year in Turkey, Australia and New Zealand, as a day of remembrance. The battlefields at Dardanelles were reinstated as the Gallipoli Peninsula Historical National Park in 1973. The park covers numerous cemeteries of soldiers from both sides, memorials, museums and the battlefields in an area of 33,000 hectares. The park provides a vivid setting and depiction of the war experience, and stands out as the most important battlefield site in Turkey. The aim of this paper is to analyze battlefield tourism in Canakkale in terms of its components and its impact on domestic and international tourism in Turkey. Battlefield tourism in Canakkale encompasses not only the battlefield itself, but also the anakkale Victory Day in Turkey, March 18th, and the Anzac Day in Australia, April 25th. While domestic tourism contributes to the revival of collective memory and to the building of national identity, international tourism provides representations of national heritage as a source of political legitimacy. Unique to this case, battlefield tourism plays a significant role in the construction of a long-distance tourism network between Australia, and Turkey. The annual flow of descendants of ANZAC (Australian and New Zealand Army Corps) soldiers is an important source of tourism activity in the area.

Thanks to a number of distinguished scholars who have focused on European and American national movements, both individually and within a comparative perspective, the emancipation concept can be analyzed within a broader Atlantic discourse, from freedom from bondage to national independence – this last is linked to issues like the center-periphery conflict and the parallel development of democratic institutions. Based on the analysis and comparison of studies to date, this article discusses the emancipation issue with a particular focus on two case-studies: the movement for the Southern union, which led to the American Civil War and the formation of the Confederate States of America in 1861, and the contemporary building process of Italy as a nation.