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The Shedding of Light on the Current Debate: Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and his Criticism of Representative Democracy In 1848, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865) refused to yield to the enthusiasm of the Republican Camp about universal suffrage and the link established between political and social reforms. In his first book published after the Revolution of February (La solution du probléme social), he questioned the legitimacy of the republican conception of representation. But if the short history of the Second Republic soon confirmed his fears about the abuses inherent in representation, his criticism of universal suffrage sounds still useful when we want to apprehend the present day debate devoted to direct democracy. In any presidential system, the time of elections becomes the moment when a nation looks at themselves. In France, as in many other western countries, the elections bring substantial debates about the democracy. In 2007, the calls for direct democracy made up a central point of political debates and were related to a long time defiance to the representative system. They strangely echoed the debates that took place in the Second Republic after the deputies' betrayal of the electoral law of May 31, 1850. In the article we show how Proudhon's political thought can help us think about direct democracy.

On principle, the member countries of the European Union belong to different decision circles. Nowadays, belonging to the euro zone is becoming of a great importance, due to the fact that over the last few months the decision-making process in the issues most vital for the Union has moved to this group. The countries considering joining this group (e.g. Poland) should take into consideration not only the fulfilment of the economic convergent criteria the basic premise), but also the political aspect: it will be difficult for a country not belonging to the euro zone to build a strong position in the European Union decision-making process. Among various discussed options considering the euro zone in connection with the current economic crisis, the most realistic is the alternative of further existence of the zone but in a different form: the change will consider both the mechanisms of the zone functioning and its scope. The mechanisms accepted by the European Union within the framework of combating the euro zone crisis (the Treaty on the European Stability Mechanism, the Europlus Pact, the Treaty on Fiscal Union) indicate the basic dilemma which the European integration is confronted with: these actions may contribute to the consolidation of the Union and the strengthening of its position, but they may also initiate the process of its fragmentation. Irrespectively of this problem, the current situation resembles the old concept of Europe à la carte, according to which each member state would be able to choose from the European menu the areas which suit them most. However, the difference might be that the status of countries in the European decision-making process will be unalike.

The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities. ; The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities. ; The study attempts an analysis of the relationship between the concepts of state and nation sovereignty. The thesis has been proposed that state sovereignty could be regarded as a derivation of nation sovereignty. While attempting to approve of the proposed thesis, the authors describe the relationship between both institutions by referring to their origins. In the light of concepts of sovereignty, the relationship between state and international law is presented from a philosophical perspective. Approving the proposed thesis, the authors conclude that regardless of whether state sovereignty derives from nation sovereignty or not, the two concepts refer to different backgrounds which can be seen both in their origins and contemporary realities.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

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