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This article considers an implementation of a constructive scheme of collective decision-making, which is based on the Bayesian strategy, for the selection of investment projects to solve the socio-economic problem of Kyiv city. The relevance of this study is that in the absence of an objective and transparent system for selecting investment projects and with a limited regional budget, the government should accept only those investment projects that bring the greatest socio-economic benefits. The main ways of state investment in projects aimed at improving socio-economic problems are considered. Among them are the State Fund for Regional Development and the public-private partnership program. It is determined that a significant advantage of public-private partnership over the State Fund for Regional Development is the ability to attract both public funds and private investment. Three projects aimed at solving the problem were selected from the website of the Kyiv Investment Agency, which operates within the framework of a public-private partnership. The financial indicators of their profitability were calculated – NPV (net present value), IRR (internal rate of return) and PI (profitability index). They are based on the concept of incoming and outgoing payments during the period of project execution. It is determined that these indicators do not always give a consistent result, as well as their main drawback – the inability to assess the social component. According to the methodology of collective decision-making by a group of independent experts in terms of the minimum average probability of error, calculations were made to determine the most attractive project. It is noted that all experts make decisions separately and independently of each other. Recommendations were provided for the selection of a specific project. The study identifies the advantages of this method of project acceptance for investment: objectivity, consistency and transparency. In the future, it is planned to incorporate risks into the decision-making model.The main areas that need improvement were considered, and key ones were selected. The most problematic and urgent is the issue of waste recycling in Kyiv. ; This article considers an implementation of a constructive scheme of collective decision-making, which is based on the Bayesian strategy, for the selection of investment projects to solve the socio-economic problem of Kyiv city. The relevance of this study is that in the absence of an objective and transparent system for selecting investment projects and with a limited regional budget, the government should accept only those investment projects that bring the greatest socio-economic benefits. The main ways of state investment in projects aimed at improving socio-economic problems are considered. Among them are the State Fund for Regional Development and the public-private partnership program. It is determined that a significant advantage of public-private partnership over the State Fund for Regional Development is the ability to attract both public funds and private investment. Three projects aimed at solving the problem were selected from the website of the Kyiv Investment Agency, which operates within the framework of a public-private partnership. The financial indicators of their profitability were calculated – NPV (net present value), IRR (internal rate of return) and PI (profitability index). They are based on the concept of incoming and outgoing payments during the period of project execution. It is determined that these indicators do not always give a consistent result, as well as their main drawback – the inability to assess the social component. According to the methodology of collective decision-making by a group of independent experts in terms of the minimum average probability of error, calculations were made to determine the most attractive project. It is noted that all experts make decisions separately and independently of each other. Recommendations were provided for the selection of a specific project. The study identifies the advantages of this method of project acceptance for investment: objectivity, consistency and transparency. In the future, it is planned to incorporate risks into the decision-making model.The main areas that need improvement were considered, and key ones were selected. The most problematic and urgent is the issue of waste recycling in Kyiv.

This article considers an implementation of a constructive scheme of collective decision-making, which is based on the Bayesian strategy, for the selection of investment projects to solve the socio-economic problem of Kyiv city. The relevance of this study is that in the absence of an objective and transparent system for selecting investment projects and with a limited regional budget, the government should accept only those investment projects that bring the greatest socio-economic benefits. The main ways of state investment in projects aimed at improving socio-economic problems are considered. Among them are the State Fund for Regional Development and the public-private partnership program. It is determined that a significant advantage of public-private partnership over the State Fund for Regional Development is the ability to attract both public funds and private investment. Three projects aimed at solving the problem were selected from the website of the Kyiv Investment Agency, which operates within the framework of a public-private partnership. The financial indicators of their profitability were calculated – NPV (net present value), IRR (internal rate of return) and PI (profitability index). They are based on the concept of incoming and outgoing payments during the period of project execution. It is determined that these indicators do not always give a consistent result, as well as their main drawback – the inability to assess the social component. According to the methodology of collective decision-making by a group of independent experts in terms of the minimum average probability of error, calculations were made to determine the most attractive project. It is noted that all experts make decisions separately and independently of each other. Recommendations were provided for the selection of a specific project. The study identifies the advantages of this method of project acceptance for investment: objectivity, consistency and transparency. In the future, it is planned to incorporate risks into the decision-making model.The main areas that need improvement were considered, and key ones were selected. The most problematic and urgent is the issue of waste recycling in Kyiv. ; This article considers an implementation of a constructive scheme of collective decision-making, which is based on the Bayesian strategy, for the selection of investment projects to solve the socio-economic problem of Kyiv city. The relevance of this study is that in the absence of an objective and transparent system for selecting investment projects and with a limited regional budget, the government should accept only those investment projects that bring the greatest socio-economic benefits. The main ways of state investment in projects aimed at improving socio-economic problems are considered. Among them are the State Fund for Regional Development and the public-private partnership program. It is determined that a significant advantage of public-private partnership over the State Fund for Regional Development is the ability to attract both public funds and private investment. Three projects aimed at solving the problem were selected from the website of the Kyiv Investment Agency, which operates within the framework of a public-private partnership. The financial indicators of their profitability were calculated – NPV (net present value), IRR (internal rate of return) and PI (profitability index). They are based on the concept of incoming and outgoing payments during the period of project execution. It is determined that these indicators do not always give a consistent result, as well as their main drawback – the inability to assess the social component. According to the methodology of collective decision-making by a group of independent experts in terms of the minimum average probability of error, calculations were made to determine the most attractive project. It is noted that all experts make decisions separately and independently of each other. Recommendations were provided for the selection of a specific project. The study identifies the advantages of this method of project acceptance for investment: objectivity, consistency and transparency. In the future, it is planned to incorporate risks into the decision-making model.The main areas that need improvement were considered, and key ones were selected. The most problematic and urgent is the issue of waste recycling in Kyiv.

Research indicates that sources of work-related stress (WRS) impact on the physical, social, and psychological health of pilots. Furthermore, specific features of the job can increase a pilot?s risk in relation to developing a mental health (MH) issue. It is impossible to remove all stress from the work life of pilots. A high stress situation may not necessarily be det-rimental to the person, once they have learned to cope with it in a healthy manner. Nonetheless, risk pertaining to WRS need to be effectively managed by a pilot?s employer. Therefore, it is important to identify solutions at an airline and pilot self-management level. This paper reports on the findings of human factors research undertaken with commercial pilots pertaining to work-related stress (WRS) and its impact on wellbeing, performance, and safety. The findings of a series of co-design workshops and a follow-up anonymous survey were analysed to identify potential solutions at (1) an airline and (2) pilot self-management level. Potential solutions are framed in relation to six impact scenarios. Furthermore, they are located within the existing regulatory framework, including the latest implementation rules (IR), acceptable means of compliance (ACM), and guidance material (GM) as outlined by the European Union Aviation Safety Agency (EASA 2019). Proposed interventions should promote wellbeing and positive mental health while also addressing suffering and mental ill health. Airline interventions might focus on enhancing existing Safety Management System (SMS) approaches to better manage risks pertaining to WRS, advancing new tools to enable wellbeing briefing, risk assessment, and reporting, and training pilots in relation to MH awareness, risk identifying behaviour, and coping strategies. Furthermore, new role/functions might be introduced to support the implementation and management of WRS/wellbeing/MH safety/risk processes at an airline level. Requirements for new digital tools to support pilot awareness of WRS/wellbeing/MH, self-management of WRS/wellbeing/MH and risk identification both inside and outside the cockpit are also proposed. Some of recommendations arising in this research require changes to the existing rule-making and/or modification to existing AMC and GM.

How do changes in climatic conditions and disaster patterns affect the persistence of civil unrest across countries over time? Existing studies postulate that changing climate conditions will exacerbate various social conflicts through their impacts on degraded environmental and economic conditions, which is further conditional on political institutions. Nevertheless, there are two major pitfalls in the existing studies. First, vulnerability as a major underlying mechanism has been used as an umbrella term or been presumed. Using vulnerability as an umbrella term has a detrimental effect on climate-conflict theory-building because it prevents scholars from deriving testable empirical implications for relevant concepts. Second, previous research has pinpointed the importance of political institutions in moderating impacts of climate on conflict, but the literature says little about what aspects of political institutions might aggravate or alleviate vulnerability to climate in ways that are simmering or amplifying civil strife. Using the structural causal approach and machine learning methods, this dissertation improves the identification of the mediation effect of vulnerability and the moderation effect of political institutions on the climate-conflict relationship. The important mechanisms and implications revealed by this study are twofold. First, this dissertation finds that the impacts of extreme climatic events are more important in shaping local vulnerability than that of annual weather variations, and that adaptive capacity is more important than economic sensitivity in mitigating local vulnerability. Annual weather variations (i.e., the slow-moving mechanics) have a significant impact on cumulative conflict hazards, whereas extreme climatic events (i.e., the fast-moving drivers) fuel onset of a new conflict. In the presence of socio-psychological vulnerabilities, an increase in annual weather variations can boil new conflicts. Second, the state capacity is more important than democracy in exacerbating a country's vulnerability to climate, and the degree of executive bribery especially plays a crucial role in moderating the impacts of vulnerability to climate on civil conflict. However, of different aspects of democracy, freedom of academic and cultural expression has the most important moderating effect on conflict. What is striking is the role of socio-psychological vulnerability in transmitting the impacts of extreme climate and weather variations on civil conflict. Mainstream conflict theory has shown that institutional and economic conditions are the most important factors determining conflicts even though socio-psychological factors are meaningful contexts. However, this present study shows that socio-psychological vulnerability is more important than institutional and economic conditions in shaping civil conflict.

ORBIS PHAETHON HOC EST DE VNIVERSIS VITIIS LINGVÆ Orbis Phaethon Hoc est De Vniversis Vitiis Lingvæ ( - ) Provenienzvermerke ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Reverendissimo Et Illustrissimo Domino, D. Paridi Salisburgensi Archiepiscopo . ( - ) Benevolo Lectori. ( - ) A Advlatio ([1]) Illustration ([1]) Caput I. Adulatio quam pervulgatum sit vitium, & quibus titulis adulatores afficiendi. (3) Caput II. Adulatio, & Adulatores melius depinguntur : simul exponitur quam istud adulandi artificium nostro ævo sit excultum & subtile. (22) Caput III. Adulationis damna maxima explicantur. (38) B Blasphemia. ([57]) Illustration ([57]) Caput IV. Bacchea, Bombilans, Blæsa lingua quid sit. (59) Caput V. Quid Lingua Bifida sit, & quam noxia. (72) Caput VI. Blasphemia quam grave sit peccatum, & quam varie punitum. (79) Caput VII. Blasphemia jure denuo flagellatur, & dicta firmantur exemplis. (99) C Consilivm Malvm Consvltori Pessimvm ([111]) Illustration ([111]) Caput VIII. De Lingua malignè Consulente; simul dictum explicatur, Consilium malum consultori peßimum. (113) Caput IX. Cæsareorum, Regiorum, Principalium; omnium denique sacrorum & politicorum senatorum ac Consiliariorum Consultrix Lingua formatur, firmaturque contra lapsus. (127) Caput X. Lingua Contentiosa quàm sit exitiosa; & quàm lites studiose sint cavendæ. (158) Caput XI. Quæ lingua sit Convicians, & quid inferat damni. (172) D Detractio. ([188]) Illustration ([188]) Caput XII. Derisionis proprium esse, nemini parcere. (190) Caput XIII. Derisorum natura, & Derisionis damna uberius explicantur. (205) Caput XIV. Derisores quàm graviter sæpe puniti sint. (216) Caput XV. Quid Detractio sit, quotuplex, & quàm grave peccatum. (226) Caput XVI. Quantorum malorum mater sit Detractio, & de famæ restitutione. (242) Caput XVII. Quibus titulis afficiendi Detractores, & quibus suppliciis sæpe sint affecti. (258) Caput XVIII. Auditores Detractorum, quam graviter delinquant. (272) E Excvsatio. ([291]) Illustration ([291]) Caput XIX. Excusatio quam pervulgatum, & multiplex sit vitium. (293) Caput XX. Exprobratio quàm molesta sit omnibus; & exprobrare beneficia, esse ea peraere. (312) F Fallacia. ([320]) Illustration ([320]) Caput XXI. Quid sit Lingua Fraudulenta, Fallax, Fucata: quod inter has discrimen, & quibus legibus hæ linguæ teneantur. (322) Caput XXII. Fallacem, seu dolosam Linguam, tam esse crebram quàm noxiam. (331) G Garrvlitas ([345]) Illustration ([345]) Caput XXIII. Garrula Lingua quibis potißimum, & quantum noceat. (347) H Hypocritica Lingva. ([361]) Illustration ([361]) Caput XXIV. Hyperbolica & Hypocritica Lingua, quomodo utraque noscenda & figuenda. (363) I Imprecatio Ivramentvm ([376]) Illustration ([376]) Caput XXV. Quantum Lingua Imprudens, Importuna, Irreverens incommodent. (378) Caput XXVI. Linguæ male Imprecantis, seu Maledicæ damna ingentia: maxima proponuntur. (395) Caput XXVII. Linguæ Imprecantis, seu, Maledicæ damna, testimoniis, & rerum gestarum monimentis consignantur. (407) Caput XXVIII. Lingua Juramentis assueta, quam sit exitiosa. (420) Caput XXIX. Quid Sancti Patres, Chrysostomus, Augustinus, Bernardus de lingua Jurante senserint. (441) Caput XXX. Quibus objectionibus Juramenta soleant excusari, & quibus modis ea extirpari poßint. (457) Caput XXXI. Quod linguarum donum sit, & quæ omnium Lingua sanctißima? (473) K Kalvmnia. ([485]) Illustration ([485]) Caput XXXII. Calumnia depingitur, & Calumniatoris genius describitur. (487) Caput XXXIII. Calumnia, quàm grave, quamque pervagatum sit vitium, & quà ratione solitum puniri. (499) L Lasciva Lingva. ([516]) Illustration ([516]) Caput XXXIV. Lingua Lasciva quam detestabilis sit, & quas ob causas. (518) M Mendacivm. ([531]) Illustration ([531]) Caput XXXV. Quid sit Mendacium, ac quotuplex; & an omne Mendacium sit peccatum. (533) Caput XXXVI. Quam multiplici argumento exitiosum sit Mendacium. (547) Caput XXXVII. Quæ soleant tuendis mendaciis objici, & qua ratione Mendacium crebrius punitum. (562) Caput XXXVIII. Quam varie & quam graviter lingua Mordax noceat. (578) Caput XXXIX. Lingua Murmurans quàm ubique obvia sit, simulque supra modum noxia. (587) N Nvgigervla Lingva. ([603]) Illustration ([603]) Caput XL. Quid monstri sit lingua Nugigerula, & quam ea Mendacio affinis. (605) O Otiosa Lingva Ostentatio ([616]) Illustration ([616]) Caput XLI. Otiosam Liguam diverse perniciosam esse, & de illius pœna. (618) Caput XLII. Objurgans Lingua, prout par est, objurgatur. (637) Caput XLIII. Quam frequens, & insolens sit Lingua Ostentatrix. (644) Caput XLIV. Quibus in rebus Ostentatrix lingua se potißimum efferat. (654) Caput XLV. Quæ plerunque pœna Linguam Ostentatricem soleat comitari. (673) P Politica Lingva. ([684]) Illustration ([684]) Caput XLVI. Qua lingua Politica sit, & de quatuor illius venenatißimis venis. (686) Caput XLVII. Lingua temere Promittens quibus nos malis implicet. (700) Q Qvervla Lingva. ([711]) Illustration ([711]) Caput XLVIII. Lingua Querula multiplicia suæ improbitatatis dat specimina. (713) R Revelans Secreti Lingva. ([728]) Illustration ([728]) Caput XLIX. Lingua Revelans secreti, quadruplici nos malo afficit. (730) S Svsvrronvm Lingva. Scvrrilis Lingva. ([747]) Illustration ([747]) Caput L. Linguam Scurrilem nominatim à beato Paulo vetitam este. (749) Caput LI. Lingua Subsannans & Suspendens noscendæ dantur. (759) Caput LII. Linguam Susurronum, linguam esse pestilentißimam. (770) T Tvmvltvosa Lingva. Tvrpiloqva Lingva. ([785]) Illustration ([785]) Caput LIII. Tumultuosæ Linguæ grande vitium describitur. (787) Caput LIV. Turpiloqua Lingua omnibus Christiani Orbis finibus proscribitur. (797) V Vindicans Lingva. Vitvperans Lingva. ([808]) Illustration ([808]) Caput LV. Linguam Vindicantem gladium esse Deo præreptum; omnibus damnosißimum qui eo fuerint usi. (810) Caput LVI. Linguam Vituperantem seu Censoriam nemini non exosam esse. (828) X ([841]) Illustration ([841]) Caput LVII. Cur Lingua sit adeo custodienda. (843) Caput LVIII. Modus custodiendi linguam, observare loquendi circumstantias. (856) Y ([868]) Illustration ([868]) Caput LIX. Vitiosæ Linguæ quomodo sanandæ sint: prima quatuor medicamenta traduntur. (870) Caput LX. Alia quatuor Medicamenta vitiosæ Linguæ curandæ. (882) Caput LXI. Ultima quatuor Medicamenta ad improbam linguam emendandam. (893) Z ([907]) Illustration ([907]) Caput LXII. Vitiosæ aliorum linguæ quibus artificiis tolerandæ. (909) Epilog (937) Indiculus in Phaethontem. De Linguæ Vitiis. ( - ) Lectori Benevolo Auctor. ( - ) Handschriftliche Anmerkungen ( - )

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

Background Humans are regularly exposed to metals and metalloids present in air, water, food, soil and domestic materials. Most of them can cross the placental barrier and cause adverse impacts on the developing foetus. Objectives To describe the prenatal concentrations of metals and metalloids and to study the associated sociodemographic, environmental and dietary factors in pregnant Spanish women. Methods Subjects were 1346 pregnant women of the INMA Project, for whom the following metals arsenic (As), cadmium (Cd), cobalt (Co), copper (Cu), molybdenum (Mo), nickel (Ni), lead (Pb), antimony (Sb), selenium (Se), thallium (Tl) and zinc (Zn) were determined in urine, at both the first and the third trimesters of gestation. Sociodemographic, dietary and environmental information was collected through questionnaires during pregnancy. Multiple linear mixed models were built in order to study the association between each metal and metalloid concentrations and the sociodemographic, environmental and dietary factors. Results The most detected compounds were As, Co, Mo, Sb, Se and Zn at both trimesters. Zn was the element found in the highest concentrations at both trimesters and Tl was detected in the lowest concentrations. We observed significant associations between As, Cd, Cu, Sb, Tl and Zn concentrations and working situation, social class and age. Seafood, meat, fruits, nuts, vegetables and alcohol intake affected the levels of all the metals but Cd and Cu. Proximity to industrial areas, fields and air pollution were related to all metals except Cd, Sb and Se. Conclusions This is the first large prospective longitudinal study on the exposure to metals and metalloids during pregnancy and associated factors to include several cohorts in Spain. The present study shows that some modifiable lifestyles, food intakes and environmental factors could be associated with prenatal exposure to metal(loid)s, which may be considered in further studies to assess their relationship with neonatal health outcomes. ; This study was funded by Grants from EU (FP7-ENV-2011 cod 282957 and HEALTH.2010.2.4.5–1); Spain: ISCIII (Red INMA G03/176, CB06/02/0041; FIS-FEDER: PI03/1615, PI04/1509, PI04/1112, PI04/1931, PI05/1079, PI05/1052, PI06/0867, PI06/1213, PI07/0314, PI09/00090, PI09/02647, PI11/01007, PI11/02591, PI11/02038, PI13/1944, PI13/2032, PI13/02187, PI14/00891, PI14/01687, PI16/1288, PI17/00663, PI18/01142 and PI19/1338; Miguel Servet FEDER MS15/00025, MS20/0006, CPII16/00051, and FIS-FSE: 17/ 00260); CIBERESP; Generalitat Valenciana: FISABIO (UGP 15–230, UGP-15-244, and UGP-15-249), AICO/2020/285, and Alicia Koplowitz Foundation 2017; Generalitat de Catalunya-CIRIT 1999SGR 00241; Department of Health of the Basque Government (2005111093, 2009111069, 2013111089 and 2015111065); Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa (DFG06/002, DFG08/001 and DFG15/221). We acknowledge support from the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities through the "Centro de Excelencia Severo Ochoa 2019–2023" Programme (CEX2018000806-S), and from the Generalitat de Catalunya through the CERCA Programme, as well as the municipalities in the study area. ; Peer reviewed

Länsimaisissa demokratioissa äänestäjien yhteiskuntaluokka ja koettu luokka-asema ovat perinteisesti selittäneet heidän puoluevalintojaan. Tätä äänestyspäätöksiä selittävää toimintamallia, eli omaan yhteiskuntaluokkaan liittyvän puolueen äänestämistä, kutsutaan luokkaäänestämiseksi. Luokkaäänestämistä painottavissa teorioissa yhteiskuntaluokkia pidetään merkittävimpänä poliittisena jakolinjana. Länsimaisissa monipuoluejärjestelmissä myös poliittiset puolueet ovat syntyneet tältä pohjalta. Nykyisillekin puoluejärjestelmille merkitykselliseksi poliittiseksi jakolinjaksi yhteiskuntaluokat muodostuivat jo teollisessa vallankumouksessa, joka synnytti vastakkainasettelua työtä tekevän ja omistavan väestönosan välillä. Jakolinja oli niin voimakkaasti kansalaisia erotteleva, että se synnytti nopeasti yhteiskuntaan erilaisia poliittisia järjestöjä etenkin työväestön keskuuteen. Tällä tavoin ammattiliitot, sosiaalidemokraattiset sekä sosialistiset puolueet saivat alkunsa. 1980-luvulle tultaessa yhä useammat tutkimukset osoittivat, että äänestäjien luokka-aseman vaikutus heidän vaalikäyttäytymiseensä oli heikentynyt. Erityisesti tämä trendi liittyi työväenluokkaisiin äänestäjiin. Heidän ammattiasemansa katsottiin menettäneen asteittain merkitystään vaaleissa tekemiin puoluevalintoihinsa. Yhteiskunnan rakennetasolla trendiä on selitetty työntekijäammattien vähenemisellä teollistuneissa demokratioissa. Esimerkiksi Suomessa työntekijäammattien osuus kaikista ammateista on pienentynyt lähes 20 prosenttiyksikköä 1970-luvulta 2010-luvulle tultaessa. Luokkaäänestämisen laskun on esitetty liittyvän puoluekentän pirstoutumiseen, yhteiskunnan uudelleenjärjestäytymiseen ja laajamittaisiin rakenteellisiin muutoksiin länsimaissa. Globalisaatiokehitys, koulutustason nousu, työelämän lisääntynyt epävakaus sekä väestön ikääntyminen ovat yleisimpiä yhteiskunnan rakennetason muutoksia, jotka ovat väistämättä muuttaneet myös poliittista kenttää. Vaikka luokkaäänestäminen on vähentynyt, osa tutkimuksista on suhtautunut havaintoihin sen vähenemisestä varauksellisesti. Varsinkaan Pohjoismaiden vaaleissa työväenluokkaisuuden ei ole katsottu menettäneen samassa suhteessa merkitystään äänestyspäätöksiä selittävänä tekijänä verrattuna muihin länsimaisiin demokratioihin. Lisäksi yhteiskunnan rakenteelliset muutokset sekä niiden seuraukset ja luokkaäänestämisen yleinen väheneminen ovat motivoineet tutkijoita tarkastelemaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia myös subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta. Subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta kiinnostuneet tutkijat ovat tyypillisesti keskittyneet analysoimaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia heidän luokkasamastumisensa kautta. Luokkasamastumisella tarkoitetaan yhteiskuntaluokkaa, johon henkilö kokee itse lähinnä kuuluvansa. Tämä väitöstutkimus tuottaa luokkaäänestämisen näkökulmasta uutta tietoa suomalaisten työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien äänestyskäyttäytymisestä, arvoista ja asenteista sekä heidän puoluevalinnoistaan Suomessa 2000-luvulla. Tarkoitan nyt ja myös jäljempänä 2000-luvulla vuosituhannen vaihteesta alkanutta aikaa. Tutkimus on saanut alkunsa kahdesta 2000-luvun suomalaisia äänestäjiä sekä suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää koskevasta havainnosta. Ensimmäinen havainto koskee luokkasamastumista. Merkittävä osa suomalaisista äänestäjistä kokee 2000-luvulla samastuvansa johonkin yhteiskuntaluokkaan siitä huolimatta, että yhteiskuntaluokkien on esitetty hiipuvan ja menettävän merkitystään. Toinen havainto koskee suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää ja siinä 2000-luvulla tapahtuneita merkittäviä muutoksia. Tästä hyvänä esimerkkinä voidaan mainita vuoden 2011 eduskuntavaalit, joissa iso joukko työväenluokkaisia äänestäjiä siirtyi Suomen Sosialidemokraattisen Puolueen (SDP) takaa Perussuomalaisten (PS) kannattajiksi. Tämä tutkimus tuo nämä kaksi erillistä havaintoa yhteen tutkimalla työnväenluokan äänestämisen mekanismeja 2000-luvun Suomessa sekä luokkakongruenssin että äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden näkökulmasta. Tavoitteena on selvittää, kuinka työnväenluokkaiset äänestäjät äänestävät 2000-luvun Suomessa. Tutkimusongelma nojaa tapaan analysoida äänestäjien luokka-asemia kahdesta näkökulmasta. Se tarkoittaa objektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli ammatin, ja subjektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli luokkasamastumisen, tarkastelemista samanaikaisesti. Näiden kahden luokka-asemaa mittaavan muuttujan yhteyttä nimitetään tässä tutkimuksessa joko luokkakongruenssiksi tai inkongruenssiksi riippuen siitä, ovatko ne toisiaan vastaavat vai eivät. Tutkimus muodostaa kolme erillistä työväenluokkaryhmää. Ryhmistä ensimmäinen on "perinteinen työväenluokka" ( traditional working class ), joka koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Ryhmä "ammatillinen työväenluokka" ( occupational working class ) koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kolmanteen ryhmään, "ideologiseen työväenluokkaan" ( ideological working class ) kuuluvat ei- työntekijäammateissa toimivat, jotka kuitenkin samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan näiden kolmen ryhmän arvoja ja asenteita, joiden merkitystä viimeaikainen tutkimus on painottanut puoluevalintojen taustalla. Tutkimusaineistoina käytetään kansallisten eduskuntavaalitutkimusten kyselyaineistoja (FNES) vuosilta 2003–2019. Tutkimuksen analyysi on kolmivaiheinen. Ensimmäinen analyysiluku keskittyy löytämään tekijöitä, jotka selittävät luokkakongruenssia ja inkongruenssia tutkimuksen kolmen työnväenluokkaryhmän keskuudessa. Tulosten mukaan lapsuudenkoti, koulutustaso ja puolison ammatti ovat merkittävimmät tekijät, jotka selittävät sekä luokkakongruenssia että inkongruenssia. Ennen kaikkea työväenluokkainen lapsuudenkoti nousee esiin merkittävimpänä työväenluokkaan samastumista selittävänä tekijänä. Tutkimuksen toinen analyysiluku tarkastelee sitä, missä määrin kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat toisistaan arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Toisin sanoen luku analysoi sitä, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tulokset osoittavat, että kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat jossain määrin toisistaan sekä sosioekonomisilta että sosiokulttuurisilta arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Ideologinen työväenluokka ( ideological working class ) erottuu kahdesta muusta ryhmästä vasemmistolaisemmalla sosioekonomisella orientaatiollaan. Lisäksi ammatillinen työväenluokka ( occupational working class ) on sosiokulttuuriselta orientaatioltaan kolmesta työväenluokkaryhmästä konservatiivisin. Kaikki kolme ryhmää ovat selvästi enemmän EU-kriittisiä kuin EU-myönteisiä verrattuna muihin äänestäjiin. Tutkimuksen kolmas analyysiluku tuo yhteen kaksi aiempaa analyysilukua. Se tarkastelee luokkakongruenssin ja luokkainkongruenssin sekä arvojen ja asenteiden vaikutusta työväenluokkaryhmien puoluevalintoihin. Kokoava analyysi soveltaa polkumallia ja tutkii, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat suoraan työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoihin, tai missä määrin vaikutus on epäsuora äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden kautta. Tulokset osoittavat, että työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalinnat ovat moniulotteisia, eikä niitä voi enää 2000-luvulla kuvailla pelkästään perinteisiksi luokka-puolue-siteiksi. Tästä huolimatta SDP ja Vasemmistoliitto ovat yhä 2000-luvulla puolueita, joille työväenluokkaiset äänestäjät antavat ääniään. Nämä työväenluokan ääniä perinteisesti keränneet puolueet ovat saaneet haastajia Perussuomalaisten ohella muistakin puolueista. Työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoja ohjaavat myös heidän arvonsa ja asenteensa. Perinteisesti työväenluokkaäänestämiseen liitetty vasemmistolainen sosioekonominen orientaatio, on kuitenkin tulosten valossa yhä harvemmin löydettävissä työväenluokan äänestyspäätösten taustalta. Tulosten valossa mihinkään työväenluokkaryhmään kuuluminen yhdistettynä sosioekonomiseen orientaatioon ei lisää todennäköisyyttä äänestää mitään tarkasteltua puoluetta. Arvoista ja asenteista EU-kriittisyys yhdistettynä mihin tahansa työväenluokkaryhmään erottuu selvästi useimmiten puoluevalintoja selittävänä tekijänä. Tämän lisäksi konservatiivisen sosiokulttuurisen orientaation havaitaan lisäävän todennäköisyyttä äänestää Suomen Keskustaa tai Perussuomalaisia ammatillisen työväenluokan ( occupational working class ) keskuudessa. Kyse on sellaisista työväenluokkaisista äänestäjistä, jotka toimivat työntekijäammateissa, mutta samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kaiken kaikkiaan tulokset osoittavat, että perinteistä työväenluokkaäänestämistä ilmenee yhä edelleen 2000-luvun Suomessa, mutta työväenluokan äänet jakautuvat useamman puolueen kesken. SDP:n ja Perussuomalaisten ohella työväenluokka antaa 2000-luvulla äänensä niin Vihreälle Liitolle, Vasemmistoliitolle kuin Suomen Keskustallekin. Keskeinen löydös on, että Perussuomalaiset onnistuu kilpailemaan kaikkien kolmen tutkimuksessa muodostetun työväenluokkaryhmän äänistä. Täten työväenluokkaryhmien siirtyminen Perussuomalaisten äänestäjiksi ei juurikaan riipu heidän koulutustasostaan, ammatistaan tai luokkasamastumisestaan. Tulokset osoittavat myös, että kesällä 2017 tapahtuneesta sisäisestä kahtiajaostaan huolimatta Perussuomalaiset on puolueena kyennyt jatkamaan tätä trendiä. Vaikka EU- kriittisyys linkittyy myös muiden puolueiden äänestämiseen työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien keskuudessa, Perussuomalaiset on epäilemättä onnistunut kanavoimaan EU-kriittiset äänet taakseen. Äänestäjien luokka-asemien perusteellinen ja moniulotteinen analysointi tarjoaa tärkeää uutta tietoa luokkaäänestämisen malleista ja mekanismeista. Tämän tutkimuksen kontribuutio laaja-alaiseen luokkaäänestämistä käsittelevään tutkimukseen piilee nimenomaan sen soveltamassa kaksiulotteisessa lähestymistavassa työväenluokkaisen aseman määrittelemiseen. Lisäksi tutkimus yhdistää kaksiulotteisen näkökulman arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tutkimuksen keskeinen argumentti on, että mikäli jokin kolmesta tekijästä – objektiivinen luokka-asema, subjektiivinen luokka-asema tai äänestäjän arvot ja asenteet – jätetään pois tarkastelusta, luokkaäänestämisen keskeiset mekanismit jäävät pimentoon. Tulevaisuuden luokkaäänestämistä tarkastelevien tutkimusten on tärkeää ottaa huomioon nämä kaikki kolme tekijää. ; Traditionally, voters' class positions have determined their party choices in Western democracies. At the same time, social class has been considered being the most significant political cleavage of which political parties have conventionally emerged in the West-European multi-party systems. Class cleavage has emerged from the industrial revolution based on the labour market confrontation between workers and owners. The cleavage has been so divisive and has resulted in the formation of various political organisations especially at the worker-side. Meanwhile, Labour Unions, Social Democratic (SD) parties and socialist parties were formed. Since the late 1980s, numerous studies have claimed that voters' class has become an irrelevant determinant of electoral behaviour. This trend has been related to working-class voters, whose occupational position is regarded becoming gradually a weaker predictor of their voting behaviour than in the past. At the macro level, this weakening trend has been explained by a decline in the relative proportion of the working class. The share of blue-collar employees has decreased significantly in the past few decades in advanced industrialised democracies. For example, in Finland, the share of blue-collar employees has decreased by almost 20 percentage points from the 1970s to the 2010s. The declines in class voting have been linked to the political parties' disintegration, reconfiguration of society, and large-scale societal change in the Western world. Globalisation, the rising level of education, unstable working-life conditions, and the ageing population have been the most common societal explanations for the change in the political sphere. Despite the relative decrease, some previous studies have indicated that the working class is still relevant and has not lost its significance as a determinant of voting behaviour to same extent in the Nordic countries as in other Western democracies in the 21st century. Moreover, the societal change, its consequences, and declining trends in class voting have motivated scholars to consider the subjective approach to voters' class positions. Typically, scholars who have focused on the subjective approach, i.e., class identification, have considered the declining trend in class voting more carefully. This study aims to provide new knowledge on the Finnish working class' voting behaviour, party attachment, and attitudinal orientations from the perspective of class voting in 21 st century Finland. It originates from two observations on the Finnish electorate and party system in the 21 st century. The first observation relates to the continued significance of class identification among the Finnish electorate. Considerable majority of eligible voters identify with a specific social class, despite ongoing debates over the decreasing significance of social classes to voting preferences. The second observation relates to the notable changes, which have occurred in the Finnish party system in the 21 st century. A good example of this is a large share of working-class voters who switched from the SDP to the Finns Party in the 2011 parliamentary election. This study integrates these two separate observations together by studying the mechanisms of working-class voting from the perspective of class (in)congruence and voters' attitudinal orientations. As such, the study discovers how the working-class votes in 21st century Finland. The research problem is built on analysing working-class voting from the perspective of a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions, i.e., class (in)congruence. The study formulates three groups of working-class voters by considering voters' occupation and class identification. The first group, the traditional working class , consists of blue-collar employees with working-class identification. The second group, the occupational working class, is blue-collar employees who do not have working-class identification, but they identify with the lower-middle, middle, or upper-middle class. The third group, the ideological working-class, consists of those who are not blue-collar employees by their occupation but have working-class identification. In addition, the study considers the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations, the significance the previous research has highlighted with regard to determining voting decisions in the 21 st century. The datasets used for the analyses are the 2003-2019 Finnish National Elections Studies (FNES). The first part of the study's threefold analysis focuses on finding factors that explain class incongruence and congruence among the three working-class groups. The results show that class of the childhood home, the level of education, and spouse's occupation are the most significant factors that explain both class incongruence and congruence. Above all, working-class childhood home is the most significant factor that explains working-class identification. The second analysis examines the extent to which three working-class groups differ from each other based on their attitudinal orientations, i.e., the extent that class (in)congruence affects attitudinal orientations. The results show that the three working-class groups differ from each other by their socioeconomic and sociocultural orientations. The ideological working-class is more leftist based on their socioeconomic orientation than the traditional or the occupational working class. In addition, the results show that the occupational working class has a more conservative sociocultural orientation than the traditional and ideological working class. From the outcome of the results, all three working-class groups have more opposing attitudes towards the EU than other voters. The third analysis combines the previous analyses and examines the extent that party choices among the Finnish working-class voters are influenced by the class (in)congruence and the voters' attitudinal orientations. Moreover, the last analysis aims to discover the extent the class (in)congruence affects directly working-class voters' party choice or indirectly via the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations. The findings indicate that the working-class' voting patterns are multidimensional and cannot be defined as simple class-party ties in 21 st century Finland. The traditional left-wing parties, the SDP, and the Left Alliance, are still parties, to which working-class voters give their votes in general. This study shows that the party choices of the Finnish working class is determined by their attitudinal orientations. In spite of this, the leftist socioeconomic orientation, which is traditionally linked to working-class voting, is increasingly less common determinant of party choice among the Finnish working class. The results show that belonging to a particular working-class group and having a particular socioeconomic orientation do not increase the likelihood of voting any of the six parties under study. Instead, there can be distinguished an indirect effect on party choice, which goes via opposing attitudes towards the EU among each working class group. In addition, belonging to the occupational working class has an indirect effect on voting both for the Centre Party and the Finns Party via conservative sociocultural orientation. Overall, the results indicate that traditional working class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland, but the votes of the working class tend to be shared between several parties. Along with the SDP and the Finns Party, Finnish working-class voters give their votes to the Green League, the Left Alliance, and the Centre Party. One important finding is that the Finns Party is, however, able to compete for the votes of the working class among each of the three working-class groups. The party can gather support from all working-class groups despite their class identification, occupation, or level of education. The findings also show that despite the split of the Finns Party in June 2017, the split fails to reduce the party's popularity among the working-class voters. Moreover, the EU criticism has moved working-class voters closer to the Finns Party. While the opposing views about the EU have been linked to voting for the other parties as well, the Finns Party has undoubtedly managed to channel particularly these types of votes among the working-class voters. The findings show that working-class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland revealing that when a comprehensive approach is applied to the voters' class positions, important knowledge on the patterns and mechanisms of class voting is provided. The study contributes to the vast literature on class voting by applying a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions and combining it with the voters' attitudinal orientations. If one of the three factors—objective class-position, subjective class-position, and attitudinal orientations—is not examined, then the essential mechanisms of class voting remain undiscovered. Future class-voting studies should consider all subjective class indicators, the voter's occupation, and voters' attitudinal orientations.

NEU VERMEHRTES PARADIS-GÄRTLEIN/ VOLLER CHRISTLICHER TUGENDEN/ DESS GEISTREICHEN THEOLOGI, HERRN JOHANN ARNDTS/ WEILAND GENERAL-SUPERINTENDENTEN DESS LÖBLICHEN FÜRSTENTHUMS LÜNEBURG Neu vermehrtes Paradis-Gärtlein/ Voller Christlicher Tugenden/ Deß geistreichen Theologi, Herrn Johann Arndts/ Weiland General-Superintendenten deß löblichen Fürstenthums Lüneburg ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Widmung ( - ) Vorrede/in welcher derGrund der rechten Bet-kunst und Ursach dieses Bet-Büchleins vermeldet wird. ( - ) Wahrhafftiger und gründlicher Bericht/ was sich mit Herrn Johann Arndts Paradis-Gärtlein für gedenckwürdige Geschichte begeben haben. ( - ) Epigramma. ( - ) Kurtzer Bericht/ Von Ankunfft / Leben / und seligem Absterben Herrn Johann Arndts. ( - ) Dispositio, Ordnung und Inhalt dieses Gebet-Büchleins. ( - ) Der erste Theil dieses Büchleins begreiffet die Tugend-Gebetlein. (1) Das erste Gebot. (1) I. Um wahre Erkenntniß Gottes. (1) II. Um wahre Gottesfurcht. (6) III. Um den wahren seligmachenden Glauben. (10) IV. Um hertzliche brünstige Liebe. (15) V. Um wahre beständige Hoffnung. (18) VI. Um wahre Demuht. (21) VII. Gebet wider die Hoffart. (26) VIII. Um wahre Geduld. (29) Das andere Gebot. (34) IX. Um brünstige Andacht / und um die Gabe deß Gebets. (35) X. Um Gottes Gnade und Barmherzigkeit / welche ist das Fundament unsers Gebets. (40) XI. Um Christliche Danckbahrkeit. (44) XII. Um den heiligen Geist und seine Gaben und um die Heiligung. (47) Das dritte Gebot. (51) XIII. Um die Liebe des göttlichen Worts. (51) XIV. Um Weisheit. (57) XV. Um Christliche Beständigkeit im Glauben. (62) XVI. Um die Ruhe der Seelen in Christo. (66) XVII. Um die geistliche Erqvickung unserer Seelen/ durchs Wort und Sacrament. (70) XVIII. Für die Lehrer der Kirchen. (73) XIX. Gebet wider die falschen Lehrer / und um Erhaltung reiner Lehre. (77) Das vierte Gebot. (82) XX. Um Gehorsam für Alte und Junge. (82) XXI. Gebet der Aeltern für ihre Kinder. (85) XXII. Gebet frommer Kinder für ihre Aeltern. (87) XXIII. Gebet Christlicher Eheleute. (89) XXIV. Gebet der Unterthanen für die Oberkeit. (93) XXV. Gebet der Oberkeit für die Unterthanen. (95) XXVI. Gebet eines schwangern Weibes/so Gott mit Leibes-Früchten gesegnet. (99) XXVII. Gebet einer Witwen. (103) XXVIII.Gebet für die Amtswercke/ und um göttliche Regierung. (106) Das fünffte Gebot. (109) XXIX. Gebet um Sanfftmuht. (109) XXX. Gebet wider den Zorn. (113) XXXI. Gebet für unsere Feinde. (117) XXXII. Um Christliche Barmhertzigkeit gegen dem Nächsten. (121) XXXIII. Um Christliche Freundlichkeit gegen dem Nächsten. (124) XXXIV. Um Christliche beständige Freundschafft. (128) XXXV. Um Frieden und Einigkeit. (131) XXXVI. Gebet um den gemeinen Frieden. (135) XXXVII. Wider den Neid. (139) Das sechste Gebot. (142) XXXVIII. Um Reinigkeit deß Hertzens. (142) XXXIX. Um Mässigkeit und Nüchternheit. (145) XL. Gebet und Dancksagung für die geistliche Vermählung Christi mit unserer Seelen. (148) Das siebende Gebot. (154) XLI. Um Gerechtigkeit. (154) XLII. Um Christliche Mildigkeit. (157) Das achte Gebot. (160) XLIII. Um Warheit. (160) XLIV. Um Verschwiegenheit. (163) Das neunte Gebot. (166) XLV. Wider den Geitz. (166) Das zehende Gebot. (171) XLVI. Wider die bösen Lüste des Fleisches / und daß ein Mensch seine Lust an Gott haben soll. (171) XLVII. Um ein gut Gewissen. (175) XLVIII. Gebet um Erhaltung und Zunehmung im Glauben/ Christlichen Tugenden / und heiligem Wandel. (180) Die andere Classis / oder der andere Theil / begreiffend die Danck-Gebetlein/für die Wolthaten Gottes/ und unsers Herrn Jesu Christi/ und deß heiligen Geistes. (186) I. Ein Morgensegen. (186) II. Ein Abendsegen. (189) III.Dancksagung für das geoffenbahrte Wort Gottes und heiligen Sacramenten. (193) IV. Dancksagung für die Liebe Gottes/auch Gebet um dieselbe. (197) V. Gebet um die Liebe Christi. (201) VI. Dancksagung für die ewige Gnaden-Wahlin Christo (205) VII. Dancksagung für die Schöpfung / Versehung/und göttliche Regierung. (208) VIII. Dancksagung für die holdselige Menschwerdung und Geburt unsers Herrn Jesu Christi. (213) IX. Dancksagung für die heil. Tauffe/ und Gebet um ein heiliges neues Leben. (217) X. Dancksagung für die Einsetzung und Stifftung deß heiligen Abendmahls / nebenst Anruffung um würdige Bereitung und heilsamen Gebrauch. (222) XI. Gebet vor der Empfahung deß heiligen Abendmahls. (227) XII. Dancksagung nach empfangenem Abendmahl. (232) XIII. Betrachtung der Person/ die da leidet / und die Ursachen deß Leidens Jesu Christi. (235) XIV. Dancksagung für das Leiden Jesu Christi/ und für die Versöhnung mit Gott. (239) XV. Eine andächige tröstliche Dancksagung und Betrachtung deß heiligen Leidens Jesu Christi. (245) XVI. Eine andere Dancksagung für das Leiden Christi. (252) XVII. Dancksagung für die sieghaffte Aufferstehung Jesu Christi/ und für die Frucht derselben. (258) XVIII. Trost-Gebetlein von den Wunden unsers Herrn Jesu Christi. (263) XIX. Ein Gebet um Busse und Vergebung der Sünden/auß dem Leiden Christi. (271) XX. Ein Trost-Gebet auß den Wunden Christi. (274) XXI. Trost-Gebet auß dem Leiden Christi. (276) XXII. Ein anders. (280) XXIII. Dancksagung für die fröliche Himmelfahrt Jesu Christi. (281) XXIV. Dancksagung für die Sendung deß heiligen Geistes. (285) XXV.Dancksagung für die Offenbahrung der heiligen Dreyfaltigkeit. (290) XXVI. Dancksagung für die heilige Christliche Kirche/und daß sie Gott erhalten und beschützen wolle. (295) XXVII. Dancksagung für den Schutz der heiligen Engel. (299) XXVIII.Dancksagung/daß uns Gott in so mancherley Gefahr erhalten und behütet hat. (303) XXIX. Dancksagung und Gebet für die Früchte deß Landes. (308) Die dritte Classis dieses Gebet-Büchleins begreiffet die Creutz- und Trost-Gebetlein. (312) I. Gebet um die Verschmähung der Welt. (312) II. Gebet um Verleugnung sein selbst. (316) III. Gebet um sein selbst Erkenntniß / und daß wir Gottes Tempel und Werckzeug seyn mögen. (322) IV. Gebet um die Nachfolgung Christi. (326) V. Gebet umwahre Busse und Erkenntniß der Sünden. (329) VI. Gebet um Vergebung der Sünden. (335) VII. Ein ander Gebet um Vergebung der Sünden. (345) VIII. Zu Gott dem Sohn/um Vergebung der Sünden. (349) IX. Gebet um die Freude deß heiligen Geistes in Traurigkeit. (351) X. Um die Begierde und Verlangen nach dem ewigen Leben. (355) XI. Um ein seliges Ende. (364) XII. Das heilige Vater unser tröstlich außgeleget. (371) XIII. Gebet um die Heiligung deß Namens Gottes. (379) XIV. Gebet von dem Namen Jesu/ zur Heiligung deß Namens Gottes. (381) XV. Gebet um das Reich Christi. (385) XVI. Gebet um Vollbringung deß heiligen Willens Gottes / darzu auch gehören die ersten drey Gebete dieses dritten Theils. (391) XVII. Gebet um zeitliche und ewige Wolfahrt. (395) XVIII. Gebet wider die Anfechtung deß Satans. (397) XIX. Gebet in allerley Trübsal und Anfechtung. (407) XX. Gebet in grossen Nöhten und Gefahr. (411) XXI. Gebet in Kranckheiten. (415) XXII. Drey kurtze Gebete in Todes-Noht. (419) XXIII. Gebet um Geduld in grossem Creutz. (422) XXIV. Creutz-Gebet / wenn Gott die Hülffe lange verzeucht. (425) XXV. Gebet um Trost. (430) Geistliche SeelenArtzney/ Wider die abscheuliche Seuche der Pestilentz/ und andere Straffen/ Verfasset in vier Capitel. (433) XXVI. Eine geistliche Seelen-Artzney. (434) Das erste Capitel. Daß diese Plage eine scharffe Zorn-Ruhte Gottes sey. (434) Das andere Capitel. Wie diese Plage durch wahre Busse abzuwenden. (440) Das dritte Capitel. Wie man wider diese gifftige Seuche beten soll / öffentlich und in Häusern. (447) Das vierte Capitel. Wie sich die jenigen/ so mit dieser Seuche heimgesuchet werden/ trösten sollen. (457) XXVII. Der heilige Christliche Glaube Gebets-Weise tröstlich außgeleget. (474) Der erste Artickel/ Von der Schöpffung. (474) Der andere Artickel/ Von der Erlösung (481) Der dritte Artickel/ Von der Heiligung. (491) XXVIII Gebet wider die Furcht deß jüngsten Tages. (502) XXIX. Gebet wider die Feinde um Sieg. (507) XXX. Gebet um göttlichen Schutz wider die Feinde und Verfolger. (510) XXXI. Trost und Gebet wider böse Mäuler und Verleumder / auß den Psalmen. (515) XXXII. Gebet in Kriegs-Noht/ und wider den Türcken. (527) XXXIII. Gebet in theurer Zeit und Hungers-Noht. (532) XXXIV. Gebet in grossem Ungewitter und Donner. (536) XXXV. Dancksagung nach dem Ungewitter. (539) XXXVI. Gebet um Trost in leiblicher Armuht. (542) XXXVII. Gebet um Trost der Vertriebenen und Verfolgeten/umder Bekenntniß willen der Wahrheit. (46) Die fünffte Classis begreiffet in sich die Lob-und Freuder-Gebetlein / zur Ehre und Preis deß Namens Gottes. (551) I. Ein Lob Gottes/ wegen seiner Allmacht und Barmherzigkeit. (552) II. Ein Lob der Allmacht / Barmhertzigkeit und Gerechtigkeit Gottes. (556) III. Ein Lob Gottes / von der Herrlichkeit deß Schöpffers. (560) IV. Ein Lob Gottes / wegen seiner wunderlichen Versehung und Regierung. (564) V. Ein Lob-Psalm/ in welchem Gott der Herr um Schutz und Errettung angeruffen wird. (567) VI. Ein Lob der Herrlichkeit / Majestät und Freundlichkeit Gottes. (572) VII. Ein Lob-Psalm / in welchem die Warheit Gottes und seine Wercke/ auch seine Güte und Gnade gepreiset werden. (574) VIII. Ein Lob Gottes/ daß er das Gebet so gnädiglich erhöret. (577) IX. Ein Lob unsers Herrn Jesu Christi/ wegen seiner Liebe und Wolthaten. (580) X. Ein Lob Gottes/ daß er so gütig/ gnädig und barmhertzig ist. (584) XI.Ein schöner Lob-Spruch Jesu Christi. (588) XII. Ad Jesum Christum O. M. pro verâ sapientiâ Oratio. (592) XIII. Jubilus S. Bernhardi, de nomine Jesu. (593) Der Jubilus Bernhardi Teutsch/[et]c. (595) Den Nutz und Brauch dieses Bet-Büchleins zeiget an das dreyfache Register. ( - ) Das andere Register ist gerichtet auff den Gottesdienst in der Kirchen/ nach den Sonntags-und Fest-Evangelien. ( - ) Das dritte Register ist gerichtet auff das Erkenntniß Gottes/ nach allen Artickeln unserer Christlichen Religion/ nach dem Alphabet. ( - ) Einband ( - ) Abschnitt ( - )

The needs of the Milk Producers' Organization are achieved by strengthening the scattered and poorly organized Indian milk producers, who lack access to resources and services. In fact, the Milk Producers' Organization has emerged as an interface between the business environment and individual milk producers through forward and backward linkages, while facilitating the strength of collective action, bargaining power and economies of scale. It has thus responded appropriately to the economic and socio-cultural needs of producer members and surrounding entities. The National Accounts Statistics (2020) of India estimates that the contribution of livestock in total agriculture and allied sectors Gross Value Added (at Constant Prices) has reached to 28.63 per cent (2018-19) which again shows the importance of the Milk Producers' Organization in a populous country such as India. The Organization extends its assistance in the form of financial support, technical inputs, milk productivity, quality produce, managing value chains, access to market actors and handling environmental and business regulation. This review paper outlines the key viewpoints and aims to explore how the Milk Producers' Organization has built capabilities and optimized capacities in the existing scope and challenges of the Indian dairy sector. The livestock sector supports the livelihood of approximately 20.5 million people in India. India's milk production is at 4.8% CAGR as opposed to 1.8% CAGR of global milk production. However, the Organization faces conflicting areas of interest, such as social concern and business demands and this ambivalence necessitates enabling policy and professionalism to steer organizational growth and sustainability. In view of the globalized business environment, the Milk Producers' Organization has taken on the responsibility to compete both on the domestic and global markets. In view of emerging international trade practices, further study is required to establish mechanisms to deal with Sanitary and Phytosanitary measures. A co-operative business model can be further explored with additional utilization of bovine manure and unproductive bovines to re-establish a more cost efficient model to deal with global price levels of milk and dairy products. ; Potreba za osnivanjem Organizacije proizvođača mlijeka temeljena je na nužnosti za ojačanjem raštrkanih i neorganiziranih, siromašnih indijskih proizvođača mlijeka koji nemaju pristup resursima i uslugama. Organizacija proizvođača mlijeka nastala je na sučeljavanju poslovnog okruženja i pojedinačnih proizvođača mlijeka kroz veze unaprijed i unatrag (forward i backward linkages), istovremeno omogućujući osnaživanje kolektivnog djelovanja, pregovaračke moći i ekonomskih razmjera. Time je prikladno odgovoreno na ekonomske i socijalno-kulturalne potrebe članova proizvođača i subjekata koji ih okružuju. Prema procjeni Statistike nacionalnih računa (2020.) Indije, doprinos stočarstva ukupnoj bruto dodanoj vrijednosti (pri stalnim cijenama) poljoprivrede i srodnog sektora dosegnuo je 28,63 % (2018.- 2019.) što ukazuje na važnost Organizacije proizvođača mlijeka u mnogoljudnoj zemlji poput Indije. Organizacija proizvođača mlijeka pruža svoju pomoć s aranžmanima financijskog kredita, tehničkim ulaznim informacijama, produktivnošću mlijeka, kvalitetnim proizvodima, upravljanjem vrijednosnim lancima, pristupom dionicima na tržištu i bavljenjem ekološkim i poslovnim regulativama. U ovom preglednom članku opisana su ključna gledišta i pokušalo se istražiti kako je Organizacija proizvođača mlijeka izgradila sposobnost i optimizirala kapacitet u postojećem opsegu i izazovima indijskog mljekarskog sektora. Stočarski sektor pomaže izdržavati oko 20,5 milijuna stanovnika Indije. Složena godišnja stopa rasta (CAGR) proizvodnje mlijeka u Indiji iznosi 4,8 % u odnosu na 1,8 % CAGR globalne proizvodnje mlijeka. Međutim, Organizacija proizvođača mlijeka suočava se sa sukobljenim područjima interesa: poput socijalnih pitanja, kao i poslovnih zahtjeva i ta ambivalentnost iziskuje poticajne politike i profesionalizam za upravljanje rastom i održivošću Organizacije. S obzirom na globalizirano poslovno okruženje, Organizacija proizvođača mlijeka preuzela je odgovornost natjecanja na domaćem i globalnom tržištu. S obzirom na nove prakse međunarodnog trgovanja, potrebna je dodatna studija za uspostavljanje mehanizma koji će se baviti sanitarnim i fitosanitarnim (SPS) mjerama. Suradnički se poslovni model može dalje istražiti dodatnom uporabom gnojiva goveda i neproduktivnih goveda za ponovnu uspostavu ekonomičnijeg modela kako bi se moglo nositi s globalnim razinama cijene mlijeka i mliječnih proizvoda.

Contiene: 1. A new and correct map of the world, laid down according to the newest discoveries, and from the most exact observations (1709) -- 2. A New & correct map of the whole world Shewing ye situation of its principal parts. viz the Ooeans, kingdoms, rivers, capes, ports, mountains, woods, trade-winds, monsoons, variation of ye compass, climats, &c. with the most remarkable tracks of the bold attempts which have been made to find out the North East and North West passages (1719) -- 3. To her most sacred Majesty Carolina Queen of Great Britain France & Ireland this map of Europe according to the newest exact observations is most humbly (1708) -- 4. To the Right Honourable William Lord Cowper, Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain, This map of Asia According to the Newest and most Exact Observations is most Humbly dedicated by your Lordship's most Obedient Servant Herman Moll Geographer -- 5. A Map of the East-Indies and the Adjacent Countries; with the Settlements, Factories and Territories, explaining what Belongs to England, Spain, France, Holland, Denmark, Portugal &c . -- 6. To the Right Honourable Charles, Earl of Peterborow, and Monmouth, &c. This Map of Africa according to ye newest and most exact observations -- 7. To the Right Honourable John Lord Sommers Baron of Evesham in ye county of Worcester President of Her Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council etc. This Map of North America According to ye Newest and most Exact Observations . -- 8. A new and exact map of the dominions of the King of Great Britain on ye continent of North America, containing Newfoundland, New Scotland, New England, New York, New Jersey, Pensilvania, Maryland, Virginia and Carolina --9. A new map of the north parts of America claimed by France under ye names of Louisiana, Mississipi [sic], Canada, and New France with ye adjoyning territories of England and Spain (1720) -- 10. A map of the West-Indies or the islands of America in the North Sea with ye adjacent countries explaning [sic] what belongs to Spain, England, France, Holland &c. also ye trade winds, and ye several tracts made by ye galeons and flota from place to place -- 11. To the Right Honourable, Charles Earl of Sunderland, and Baron Spencer of Wormleighton, one of Her Majesty's principal secretaries of state, &c., this map of South America according to the newest and most exact observations is most humbly dedicated by your Lordship's most humble servant -- 12. A new & exact map of the coast, countries and islands within ye limits of ye South Sea Company, from ye river Aranoca to Terra del Fuego, and from thence through ye South Sea, to ye north part of California &c. with a view of the general and coasting trade-winds and perticular draughts of the most important bays, ports &c -- 13. To His Most Serene and August Majesty Peter Alexovitz absolute lord of Russia &c this map of Moscovy, Poland, Little Tartary, and ye Black Sea &c is most humbly dedicated -- 14. A new map of Denmark and Sweden according to ye newest and most exact observations . to his excellence John Bishop of Bristol . -- 15. A new map of Great Britain according to the newest and most exact observations -- 16. The Southern Part of Great Britain called England and Wales (1710) -- 17. The North part of Great Britain called Scotland (1714) -- 18. A new map of Ireland, divided into its provinces, counties and baronies, wherein are distinguished the bishopricks, borroughs, barracks, bogs, passes, bridges &c. with the principal roads, and the common reputed miles (1714) -- 19. A new map of Germany, Hungary, Transilvania & the Suisse cantons . (1712) -- 20. A new & exact map of the electorate of Brunswick-Lunenburg and ye rest of ye Kings dominions in Germany very much improved by ye kind assistance of severall curious gentlemen, natives of those countries -- 21 A New and Exact Map of the United Provinces, or Netherlands, &c -- 22. Les provinces des Pays-Bas Catholiques ou A most exact map of Flanders or ye Austrian Netherlands &c : it comprehends all the towns, villages, abbeys, monasteries throughout all these provinces &c -- 23. A new and exact map of France divided into all its provinces and acquisitions according to the newest observations and that accurate survey made by the King's command by Mr. Picar and de la Hire, with the post roads and the computed leagues from town to town the passes of the Pirenean Mountaines, and many other remarcks &c -- 24. New and Exact Map of Spain & Portugal, divided into its Kingdoms and Principalities &c with ye. Principal Roads and considerable Improvements, the whole rectifyd according to ye. Newest Observations By H. Moll Geographer (1711) -- 25. A new map of Italy, distinguishing all the sovereignties in it whether states, kingdoms, dutchies, principalities, republicks &c. with the post roads, & many remarks not extant in any map, according to the newest and most exact observations (1714) -- 26. A new map of the upper part of Italy containing ye principality of Piemont ye Dutchies of Savoy, Milan, Parma, Mantua, Modena, Tuscany, the dominions of ye Pope &c. the republiques of Venice, Genoe, Lucca &c., to His Most Sacred Majesty George II King of Great Britain France and Ireland, Elector of Brunswick-Luneburg &c. this Map is most humbly dedicated -- 27. The Turkish Empire in Europe, Asia and Africa, Dividid into all its Governments, together with the other Territories that are Tributary to it, as also the Domnions of the Emperor of Marocco . -- 28. Theatrum historicum ad annum Christi quadringentesimum in quo tum Imperii Romani tum Barbarorum ; Márgenes graduados. - Orientados con rosas con lis. - Meridiando de origen: Londres. - Montes de perfil. - Red hidrográfica. - Costas sombreadas.- Rumbos. - Abundante toponimia. ; Los mapas están fechados entre 1708 y 1720. ; Mapas a doble plana con verso de las hojas en blanco ; Títulos en cartelas decoradas, rodeadas de personajes alusivos a las zonas representadas