Suchergebnisse

Nigeria and Nigerians have witnessed different kinds of electoral frauds since the return to democracy in 1999. Counting from the 1999 general election in Nigeria, the 2019 general election is the 6th general elections conducted in the country. Unfortunately, none of these elections have been considered to be free and fair as there are always public outcries from one end to another against the results of the elections as a result of lack of transparency in the process. Drawing from this background, this study, examines whether heavy use of WhatsApp platforms by different political parties in the election encouraged popular participation and effective monitoring of the electoral processes. The study which examined a total of 318 respondents sampled from select WhatsApp groups of the two leading political parties adopted the survey research method with the social media engagement and technological acceptance theories as its theoretical framework to ascertain whether the use of WhatsApp platforms by political parties encouraged popular participation among the electorate and determine if WhatsApp platforms were helpful to parties in monitoring the 2019 general election as well as its processes. Findings revealed that WhatsApp use encouraged popular participation and electoral process monitoring. The researchers recommended that the political parties and the electoral umpire should engage more in the use of social media platforms in passing information during, on and after election to encourage transparency in leadership

State defense threats that arise as a result of the development of the global, regional and national strategic environment also include social conflicts that are still widely found in various parts of Indonesia. The preparation of a national defense strategy from an early age is very much needed to face the worst possibility and the government must hold a total war. The involvement of all national resources is needed including human resources, social conflict is a serious problem in the development of the defense force, so a solution must be found. This paper uses a phenomenological qualitative descriptive method and the theory of defense policy implementation by Lukman Yudho Prakoso to analyze the current problems. The research results show that there is still a need to carry out good handling in handling social conflicts that are integrated, can communicate interactively between entities, and implement transparent, controlled and accountable activities. So that the conclusion can be formulated that it is necessary to instill the value of State defense in handling social conflicts, so that it is hoped that awareness will arise in the community for responsibility in defending the State. Another conclusion is that a strategy is needed to build the best network and the involvement of an entity that functions as a Driver Force for handling social conflicts in supporting military campaign strategies.

As a state of law as well as a democratic state, Indonesia guarantees and protects the right to freely express opinions and the right to organize in society. This in the end becomes the basis for every member of the community to be free to establish an Ormas. The freedom to establish these mass organizations in its development is not controlled due to the absence of real government control and supervision. This has resulted in many mass organizations being born into thugs and illegal organizations. This study aims to analyze the current system of supervision of mass organizations in Indonesia, the weaknesses in the current implementation of mass organizations, and the ideal reconstruction of a system of supervision of mass organizations capable of realizing a just law of mass organizations. The research in this dissertation uses the sociological juridical method. As for the results of the research conducted, it can be found that the current implementation of normative supervision has not been effective, as evidenced by the large number of problematic and prohibited mass organizations, weaknesses in the supervision of mass organizations in the community due to a legal vacuum in the regulation of supervision of mass organizations, so it is necessary to reconstruct values by conducting supervision and education. regarding the goals of mass organizations and the goals of the state and nation as well as legal reconstruction in the form of adding provisions for the supervision of mass organizations in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 16 of 2017.

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is previously not a homogenous model, nor a school or a paradigm, but at most a shared respective in doing linguistics, semantics, or discourse analysis. The objective of CDA is to perceive language use as social practice. The researchers in this paper have done this at the 58th session of the UN General assembly, New York. The theoretical framework used for the analysis is Fairclough's model, 1992. This research paper has analysed the data qualitatively. This research work has explained and clarified the intellectual and invulnerable strategies, ideologies of President Musharraf, Pakistani president for global, political, economic, social and cultural development not only for his own country but for the entire world, especially developing countries. CDA of G-P-M speech shows that his motto is peace, security and development of human rights, implementation of international law, social justice for everyone and multilateral diplomacy by the support of the war on terror and cooperation with the international community. Pervaiz Musharaf has presented a positive and soft image of Pakistan.

This article explores the significant role that the state is still expected to play in initiating and implementing the energy transition. In this regard, it is laid out in three parts. Part I focuses on the premise of the role that derives from constitutional law. This role is considered classic, because it is based on different functions of the state, and the legitimate constrain that distinguishes it from other social actors, including non-state actors. Tremendous materials are offered by the analysis either from the perspective of sociology or law studies when it comes to the specific situation of French-speaking African states. The scope of analysis is broadened with the energy law approach. With a focus on African English-speaking countries, the article examines both the way the state is enforcing statutes aiming to design its own transition scheme and exercising its discretionary power through its energy policy. Beyond the functions of the state—deriving from its sovereign power—these elements set out the direction in quest of a specific role the state can play in the energy transition as a process in Part II. As such, the energy transition, if it is to lead to coherent social change, requires strong and dynamic leadership, including clear, nuanced, and forward-looking direction on the broad sections of the overall process, and the environmental justice issues that necessarily cluster around them. For this reason, the role of the state is construed as both a steering role, and an integrative role for environmental, economic and social issues. Part III provides a rationale for the necessary and strong support of international cooperation—to the state—in order to achieve the paradigm shift smoothly. In Part IV, I emphasize the African Union's transition initiatives in the run-up to COP 25, which I hold out as an inducement for states' efforts. In fact, this article seeks to address these issues. Taken together, they could help build a coherent pattern of the role that African states play in the energy ...

"The Supreme Court is final not because it is infallible; but it is infallible because it is final" – this status quo of the Supreme Court of Nigeria and its application in various electoral cases, especially in the just concluded 2019 general elections in Nigeria has aroused mixed feelings and raised questions on the credibility of the Nigerian Judiciary and its capability of enshrining sustainable democracy in Nigeria. Meanwhile, according to the report of the Kayode Eso Panel on Reform of the Judiciary, the mindset of an average Nigerian is that "the Nigerian Judiciary hardly redeems itself from the unfortunate image it acquired during the military interregnum when it was described as a judiciary in patent chaos, riddled with corrupt Judges and in need of urgent and radical reform". This study which sought to explore the infallibility of the Supreme Court and sustainable democracy in Nigeria; the effect of the infallibility of the Supreme Court verdicts on sustainable democracy in Nigeria; and the effects of bribery and corruption of the Supreme Court Justices on sustainable democracy in Nigeria, is an exploratory research which employed qualitative method of research and adopted the Transitional Jurisprudence Model as propounded by Ruti Teitel (2015) to analyze these. The study found that the bribery and corruption of the Supreme Court Justices has significant effect on sustainable democracy in Nigeria; and that the infallibility of the Supreme Court verdicts have significant effect on sustainable democracy in Nigeria. The study recommends among others that there is need for the independence and accountability of the Judiciary with the other arms of the government in Nigeria.

Post-Soeharto Indonesia, known as the era of reform and democracy, has not been able to inhibit corrupt behaviour by state officials at the central and local government levels, in legislative and executive institutions, or in the judiciary as a judicial institution. This article discusses and analyses the corruption process carried out by state officials, especially those occupying legislative, executive, and special judicial institutions at the central government level in interacting with each other and with outside institutions. The public's hope that ongoing democracy will be able to limit political corruption in Indonesia is only an illusion, considering the democracy model that developed in Indonesia post-Soeharto led to a patronage democracy, namely the interaction of power between state institutions which is based on mutually beneficial considerations. Another consideration is that the institution that administers justice which serves as law enforcement agency is involved in corrupt practices.

This paper examines the impact of undecided voters in elections campaigns in Israel. The question asked here is if undecided voters can break the political dead-lock which became evident in four consecutive elections in just two years – between 2019 and 2021. The paper argues that the crucial role of undecided voters is the result of four main developments. The first is the multi-party parliamentary system, which allows the voters to swing between different parties and influence on handful of options to form coalition government. The parliamentary system emphasizes the excessive and crucial role of small parties to determine who will be in power – which means that they are in a position to impose their extreme ideology on the entire society. The second is that participation in elections is constantly declining, increasing the impact of motivated voters who follow the campaigns closely before making their final decision. The fact that this audience is persuaded by specific events and not by ideology or social identity allows to maximize the impact of their vote. The third is related to technological and cultural changes. Digital and social media have become popular among Israeli young people and first time voters, allowing them to promote new social and political behavior and bypass the censorship of traditional media and the traditional ideology of non-first time voters and the old political establishment.

: Energy diplomacy as a country's foreign policy agenda in securing access to international energy sources. The significance of energy for a country can always be a cause or proxy for its foreign policy or even its military actions. The plan for the development of nuclear power plants in Indonesia in support of the climate change program is based on global agreements and is able to provide a deterrent effect on national defense. However, until now the role of defense diplomacy in achieving national interests has not been optimal and its achievements are still limited to defense issues only (Sudarsono et al., 2018). This study aims to analyze the role of diplomacy on energy and defense, where diplomacy provides a first treat on energy, thereby realizing national energy security supported by defense diplomacy. This study uses a literature study to collect relevant data related to energy diplomacy, nuclear power plant development plans to support the NDC program, and defense diplomacy. The results of the study indicate that a diplomacy synergy is needed in achieving the national interest. Defense diplomacy can be synergized with energy diplomacy, which in this case is able to accelerate the development of nuclear power plants in Indonesia which provides a multiplier effect both in terms of energy security in the issue of climate change, even to the deterrent effect of Indonesian defense. The effect of diplomacy on energy indicates that diplomacy has a significant role in politics and the economy that a country's energy can create.

Indonesia's ethics and political decency were torn apart in the case of the Democratic Party's internal conflict. This is due to the existence of an element of the government as a regulator who took over the position of the general chairman of the Democratic Party. News about this internal conflict appeared in various constructions by print mass media, electronic radio, television, and online media. The purpose of this study was to determine the social construction of Suara.com's coverage of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) of the Democratic Party. For this reason, discourse theory and the social construction of reality are used. The research method analyzes text media framing model Zhongdang Pan-Gerald M. Kosicki. The research subject is the Suara.com news portal, while the research object is related to the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress from March 5 to March 31, 2021. The research results from the syntactic structure, Suara.com journalists provide a portion, which does not feature one party and reports publicly about the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress equally from both camps. The script written fully with 5W+1H from both sides is not directed and deserves to be read. Thematic structure, facts are written based on information from both parties. Some are sourced from written statements and analysts from political experts. The rhetorical system, the choice of words or style to emphasize the meaning from both sides, is balanced by the photos shown. Suara.com packaged and framed the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress by not highlighting the Moeldoko and Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY) camps but emphasizing the moral hazard aspect in political behavior. With this construction, Suara.com continues to voice the public interest rather than the interests of the capital owners or their political alliances.

The purpose of this is to study scrutinizes the dispute of gender discrimination, and how discriminated female employees incline towards interpersonal and organizational deviance. With quantitative approach, the data is collected through close-ended questionnaires on the adopted instruments of the sample size of 332, and these questionnaires were distributed among female employees working in public organizations. Structural equation modelling was performed to test the multi path regression analysis by using Smart-PLS software. Results show that there is impact of gender discrimination on both, interpersonal deviance and organizational deviance, where as lack of trust plays mediating role in these relations. The study recommends devising more surveillance plans to hamper gender discrimination as it creates menace, in the shape of drastic deviance, in social and organizational set up.

COVID-19 sent a wave of pandomania across Nigeria, like in every other country due to health risk that it come with, which was declared pandemic. However, its impact has been felt on all aspect of human endeavour; social economic and political. In Nigeria, the pandemic has affects security governance due to pivoted role assigned security agencies in the enforcement of restriction of movement and lockdown imposed by the federal government of Nigeria. The security agencies involved has not been limited to police but it include both military and paramilitary as the case may be. In the midst of continues spread of diseasesand multiplicity of security agencies, security governance became a serious issues. Through the government adopted a pragmatic approached, the result has been of mix blessing. It is in light of the above that the paper examines security, government in theCOVID-19 pandemic periodusing Nigeria as a case study.

The Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR4.0) is taking shape and has a strong impact on all areas of social life. For the state administration, the IR4.0 creates many opportunities as well as challenges that require managers to promptly grasp to have appropriate orientations and solutions, to perfect the state administration, to meet the requirements of national development. On the basis of analyzing the positive effects and challenges of IR4.0 on the reform of the state administration, the article proposes a number of recommendations: actively improve the institutional system of the administration, create a legal corridor for the development of industries and fields; promote the application of modern technological achievements to the management activities of administrative agencies; actively, proactively build and improve the qualifications and capacity of civil servants. Thereby, it will continue to perfect the state administration, and meet the requirements of IR4.0.