Suchergebnisse

The object of this master thesis is the problem of verbal form of human dignity violation. The aim of the paper is to identify methods to combat verbal form of human dignity violation, to identify the State Responsibility for ensuring them, and to identify ways and practices of implementing international standards into the legislation of the Republic of Belarus. The main tasks of the thesis are: to define the concept of human dignity and its violation; to define the concept of verbal form of human dignity violation and verbal violence; to define the importance and standards of combating verbal violence, including through combating domestic violence; to identify problematic aspects of the legislation of the Republic of Belarus related to combating verbal form of human dignity violation and to propose changes based on the established international standards. Using such research methods as comparative legal and retrospective analysis, deduction, induction, synthesis and systemic analysis, it was concluded that at the moment the problem of verbal form of human dignity violation is not given enough attention in legal science and practice. A separate consideration of the problem is important to prevent and combat degrading treatment. Verbal form of human dignity violation is a form of violence, including domestic violence. The establishment and implementation of mechanisms to combat verbal form of human dignity violation is impossible in the absence of legal regulation of combating domestic violence and all its forms, as well as combating torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The State therefore has a positive obligation to prevent various forms of violence. The first step in combating human dignity violation should be taking both legislative and awareness-raising measures.

Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.

Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.

Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.

Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.

Lithuanian military history of the 18th century was closely related to the military history of the Polish Kingdom and that of the Republic of Two Nations. Therefore, the main scientific research works were drafted in Poland at the end of the 19th century and in the 20th century.

Lithuanian military history of the 18th century was closely related to the military history of the Polish Kingdom and that of the Republic of Two Nations. Therefore, the main scientific research works were drafted in Poland at the end of the 19th century and in the 20th century.

Lithuanian military history of the 18th century was closely related to the military history of the Polish Kingdom and that of the Republic of Two Nations. Therefore, the main scientific research works were drafted in Poland at the end of the 19th century and in the 20th century.

Stalking is considered a serious public health problem as well as a harmful form of victimization often leading to severe consequences for the victim. Although there is still little agreement on the exact definition of stalking, it has been recognized that the core elements of stalking include deliberateness and recurrence of the stalker's actions as well as victim fear and concern for safety. The main purpose of this article is to debate on the definition of stalking as well as provide the rates of stalking in Lithuania. Authors conclude that stalking refers to a constellation of a diverse range of actions and may include both direct communication with the victim and the use of cyberspace technologies. A rapid development of modern digital technologies leads to a wide variety of complex stalking behavior patterns that makes it complicated to generate an adequate legal response to this phenomenon. The results of a public survey conducted by a research group from the Law Institute of the Centre for Social Sciences in 2021 show that the rates of stalking in Lithuania are comparable to those reported in foreign studies as 17.5% of Lithuanian population have experienced stalking at least once during their lifetime. Stalking by the current or former intimate partner was the most prevalent stalking category, as it comprised nearly 39% of all stalking cases in the state. The article also covers some aspect of court practices in stalking-related cases during the period from 2016 to 2020, before anti-stalking legislation was introduced in Lithuania. By year 2021, when stalking was criminalized in Lithuania, 23 European Union member countries have managed to develop criminal anti-stalking legislation. Another aim of this article is to discuss the way criminal anti-stalking legislation was introduced in Lithuania and compare Lithuanian approach to the legal provisions enacted in other countries. Authors conclude that although the introduction of criminal anti-stalking legislation in Lithuania was an important step towards ...

Stalking is considered a serious public health problem as well as a harmful form of victimization often leading to severe consequences for the victim. Although there is still little agreement on the exact definition of stalking, it has been recognized that the core elements of stalking include deliberateness and recurrence of the stalker's actions as well as victim fear and concern for safety. The main purpose of this article is to debate on the definition of stalking as well as provide the rates of stalking in Lithuania. Authors conclude that stalking refers to a constellation of a diverse range of actions and may include both direct communication with the victim and the use of cyberspace technologies. A rapid development of modern digital technologies leads to a wide variety of complex stalking behavior patterns that makes it complicated to generate an adequate legal response to this phenomenon. The results of a public survey conducted by a research group from the Law Institute of the Centre for Social Sciences in 2021 show that the rates of stalking in Lithuania are comparable to those reported in foreign studies as 17.5% of Lithuanian population have experienced stalking at least once during their lifetime. Stalking by the current or former intimate partner was the most prevalent stalking category, as it comprised nearly 39% of all stalking cases in the state. The article also covers some aspect of court practices in stalking-related cases during the period from 2016 to 2020, before anti-stalking legislation was introduced in Lithuania. By year 2021, when stalking was criminalized in Lithuania, 23 European Union member countries have managed to develop criminal anti-stalking legislation. Another aim of this article is to discuss the way criminal anti-stalking legislation was introduced in Lithuania and compare Lithuanian approach to the legal provisions enacted in other countries. Authors conclude that although the introduction of criminal anti-stalking legislation in Lithuania was an important step towards ...

Stalking is considered a serious public health problem as well as a harmful form of victimization often leading to severe consequences for the victim. Although there is still little agreement on the exact definition of stalking, it has been recognized that the core elements of stalking include deliberateness and recurrence of the stalker's actions as well as victim fear and concern for safety. The main purpose of this article is to debate on the definition of stalking as well as provide the rates of stalking in Lithuania. Authors conclude that stalking refers to a constellation of a diverse range of actions and may include both direct communication with the victim and the use of cyberspace technologies. A rapid development of modern digital technologies leads to a wide variety of complex stalking behavior patterns that makes it complicated to generate an adequate legal response to this phenomenon. The results of a public survey conducted by a research group from the Law Institute of the Centre for Social Sciences in 2021 show that the rates of stalking in Lithuania are comparable to those reported in foreign studies as 17.5% of Lithuanian population have experienced stalking at least once during their lifetime. Stalking by the current or former intimate partner was the most prevalent stalking category, as it comprised nearly 39% of all stalking cases in the state. The article also covers some aspect of court practices in stalking-related cases during the period from 2016 to 2020, before anti-stalking legislation was introduced in Lithuania. By year 2021, when stalking was criminalized in Lithuania, 23 European Union member countries have managed to develop criminal anti-stalking legislation. Another aim of this article is to discuss the way criminal anti-stalking legislation was introduced in Lithuania and compare Lithuanian approach to the legal provisions enacted in other countries. Authors conclude that although the introduction of criminal anti-stalking legislation in Lithuania was an important step towards ...

Cet article raconte qu'en Lituanie Indépendante d'entre guerre (1918–1940) on formait le corps des officiers de Lituanie bien formé, qualifié et instruit. L'école militaire fonctionnait de 1919 au 1940, les Cours supérieures des officiers – de 1921 au 1940. Depuis 1931, une partie des étudiants de ces cours ont étudié d'après le programme de l'école militaire supérieure. En 1938, les Cours supérieures des officiers ont été réorganisés en École militaire supérieure de Vytautas Magnus. Les officiers, qui prétendent d'occuper les fonctions exigeant l'instruction supérieure, ont eu la possibilité d'étudier dans l'Université de Vytautas Magnus, faire des stages à l'étranger. En 1919, on a commencé à fonder des clubs des officiers (de Ramove) et, en 1923, l'Association des sciences militaires a été fondée – ces organisations s'occupaient du perfectionnement professionnel et l'éducation de la personnalité des officiers. Les problèmes de l'éducation de la personnalité, de la maîtrise de soi et l'activité professionnelle – une des thèmes principales de la presse des soldats de la Lituanie Indépendante de l'entre guerre. Le principal acteur de ces publications de presse est un officier idéal, exemplaire, patriote et avec une personnalité forte. Les auteurs n'évitaient pas à constater les défauts, à nommer ce qui nuit à l'autorité de l'officier et qui empêche à effectuer ses fonctions. En discutant les traits de la personnalité de l'officier dans la presse, les auteurs soulignent que. [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Cet article raconte qu'en Lituanie Indépendante d'entre guerre (1918–1940) on formait le corps des officiers de Lituanie bien formé, qualifié et instruit. L'école militaire fonctionnait de 1919 au 1940, les Cours supérieures des officiers – de 1921 au 1940. Depuis 1931, une partie des étudiants de ces cours ont étudié d'après le programme de l'école militaire supérieure. En 1938, les Cours supérieures des officiers ont été réorganisés en École militaire supérieure de Vytautas Magnus. Les officiers, qui prétendent d'occuper les fonctions exigeant l'instruction supérieure, ont eu la possibilité d'étudier dans l'Université de Vytautas Magnus, faire des stages à l'étranger. En 1919, on a commencé à fonder des clubs des officiers (de Ramove) et, en 1923, l'Association des sciences militaires a été fondée – ces organisations s'occupaient du perfectionnement professionnel et l'éducation de la personnalité des officiers. Les problèmes de l'éducation de la personnalité, de la maîtrise de soi et l'activité professionnelle – une des thèmes principales de la presse des soldats de la Lituanie Indépendante de l'entre guerre. Le principal acteur de ces publications de presse est un officier idéal, exemplaire, patriote et avec une personnalité forte. Les auteurs n'évitaient pas à constater les défauts, à nommer ce qui nuit à l'autorité de l'officier et qui empêche à effectuer ses fonctions. En discutant les traits de la personnalité de l'officier dans la presse, les auteurs soulignent que. [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Cet article raconte qu'en Lituanie Indépendante d'entre guerre (1918–1940) on formait le corps des officiers de Lituanie bien formé, qualifié et instruit. L'école militaire fonctionnait de 1919 au 1940, les Cours supérieures des officiers – de 1921 au 1940. Depuis 1931, une partie des étudiants de ces cours ont étudié d'après le programme de l'école militaire supérieure. En 1938, les Cours supérieures des officiers ont été réorganisés en École militaire supérieure de Vytautas Magnus. Les officiers, qui prétendent d'occuper les fonctions exigeant l'instruction supérieure, ont eu la possibilité d'étudier dans l'Université de Vytautas Magnus, faire des stages à l'étranger. En 1919, on a commencé à fonder des clubs des officiers (de Ramove) et, en 1923, l'Association des sciences militaires a été fondée – ces organisations s'occupaient du perfectionnement professionnel et l'éducation de la personnalité des officiers. Les problèmes de l'éducation de la personnalité, de la maîtrise de soi et l'activité professionnelle – une des thèmes principales de la presse des soldats de la Lituanie Indépendante de l'entre guerre. Le principal acteur de ces publications de presse est un officier idéal, exemplaire, patriote et avec une personnalité forte. Les auteurs n'évitaient pas à constater les défauts, à nommer ce qui nuit à l'autorité de l'officier et qui empêche à effectuer ses fonctions. En discutant les traits de la personnalité de l'officier dans la presse, les auteurs soulignent que. [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Cet article raconte qu'en Lituanie Indépendante d'entre guerre (1918–1940) on formait le corps des officiers de Lituanie bien formé, qualifié et instruit. L'école militaire fonctionnait de 1919 au 1940, les Cours supérieures des officiers – de 1921 au 1940. Depuis 1931, une partie des étudiants de ces cours ont étudié d'après le programme de l'école militaire supérieure. En 1938, les Cours supérieures des officiers ont été réorganisés en École militaire supérieure de Vytautas Magnus. Les officiers, qui prétendent d'occuper les fonctions exigeant l'instruction supérieure, ont eu la possibilité d'étudier dans l'Université de Vytautas Magnus, faire des stages à l'étranger. En 1919, on a commencé à fonder des clubs des officiers (de Ramove) et, en 1923, l'Association des sciences militaires a été fondée – ces organisations s'occupaient du perfectionnement professionnel et l'éducation de la personnalité des officiers. Les problèmes de l'éducation de la personnalité, de la maîtrise de soi et l'activité professionnelle – une des thèmes principales de la presse des soldats de la Lituanie Indépendante de l'entre guerre. Le principal acteur de ces publications de presse est un officier idéal, exemplaire, patriote et avec une personnalité forte. Les auteurs n'évitaient pas à constater les défauts, à nommer ce qui nuit à l'autorité de l'officier et qui empêche à effectuer ses fonctions. En discutant les traits de la personnalité de l'officier dans la presse, les auteurs soulignent que. [toliau žr. visą tekstą]