Suchergebnisse

The risk of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), increases significantly for women in a war/conflict context and forced migration process. However, SGBV exposure by migrant women is only considered as the unfortunate outcome of the war. This situation makes the appearance of SGBV even more obscure and makes it invisible. The aim of this review is to contextually (war/conflict context, journey, and destination country) evaluate the appearances of SGBV, which is the continuation of the conflict to which forced migrant women are exposed, and to discuss the contextual mechanisms that feed the SGBV spiral. As a result, SGBV to which forced migrant women are exposed has a spiral structure, but the appearances of SGBV are complex, interactive, transformative, and are fluidly and dynamically constructed with the contextual parameters in which SGBV action occurs. This construction process determines the direction of outcomes, needs, and interventions.

The UN's Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda emphasizes women's victimhood and peacemaking roles. However, women participate in two-thirds of armed movements and affect conflict outcomes in unique gendered ways. This article argues that excluding female perpetrators from the WPS agenda generates new insecurities for them and broader societies. By highlighting women's contribution to perpetuating conflict, I propose a framework to incite policymakers to view women's empowerment as a mainstream security concern and implement policies aligned with the goals of the UN WPS Agenda. First, I explore reasons to avoid reinforcing gender norms that portray women as victims and peacemakers. These reasons encompass assessing: 1) women's contributions to armed organizations, 2) their exclusion from post-conflict rehabilitation programs, 3) the limited visibility of human rights violations by women and the underrepresentation of male civilians as victims, and 4) "saving vulnerable women" rhetoric as a justification for Western power involvement. Then, I examine gender inequality as a fundamental cause enabling these factors, underscoring the need to regard gender inequality and traditional gender norms as central security concerns.

According to the data of the Presidency of Migration Management (2021), the largest group of irregular migrants detected in Türkiye in 2021 were Afghans. The arrival of irregular migrants from Afghanistan to Türkiye alongside the Syrian refugees have caused a negatively charged reaction in Turkish society and from the main parties in the opposition. Based on this apparent reaction against the arrival of Afghan
refugees, the claim can be made that Afghans are now the new "other" category in Türkiye. We identify two hashtags used on Twitter to protest the arrival of Afghans, which are #sınırnamustur (border is honor) and #hudutnamustur (frontier is honor) having the same meaning in Turkish and are Trend Topics on Twitter. The purpose of this study is to examine the reason why there are two hashtags on Twitter to protest the arrival of Afghan immigrants, what the differences and similarities are between
the two in terms of how Afghans are defined and what kinds of hate speech they are subjected to. For this purpose, we applied Craswell's mixed model in this study using both content analysis and social network analysis techniques. The investigation results reveal that the hashtag #sınırnamustur is a manifestation of a political endeavor, asserting that Afghan refugees are associated with a 'security challenge'. In contrast, the hashtag #hudutnamustur represents a response from the general populace, embodying elements of cultural superiority.