In this article I review theoretical approaches that attend to the entanglements between affect and labor in late capitalism. I examine the concepts of affective, reproductive, emotional, and intimate labor, with a focus on what each model illuminates and obscures. While recognizing substantial differences among many forms of affective work, I highlight the relocation of the boundaries between production and reproduction, and public and private selves, as essential common themes among them. Bringing affect into labor changes the ways scholars address traditional debates and categories surrounding workers' consent, alienation, and exploitation. The intersections of insights into labor and affect provide tools to research the contemporary transformations of work and the tensions and alignments between affective investments and political projects of emancipation from capitalist appropriation of labor. ; En este artículo, reviso los enfoques teóricos que abordan el entrelazamiento entre afecto y trabajo en el capitalismo tardío. Examino los conceptos de trabajo afectivo, reproductivo, emocional e íntimo, con atención a lo que cada modelo aclara y esconde. Si bien reconozco las diferencias sustanciales entre muchas formas de trabajo afectivo, destaco la reubicación de los límites entre la producción y la reproducción, y el yo público y privado, como temas comunes esenciales entre ellas. Traer conceptualizaciones del afecto al estudio del trabajo cambia los modos en que los académicos abordan los tradicionales debates y las categorías que rodean el consentimiento, la alienación y la explotación de los trabajadores. Las intersecciones matizadas de los conocimientos sobre labor y afecto proporcionan herramientas para investigar las transformaciones contemporáneas del trabajo, y las tensiones y alineaciones entre las inversiones afectivas y los proyectos políticos de emancipación de la apropiación capitalista del trabajo.
En su memoria de labores del 2000 la FUNDE anota que ha podido lograr la presencia que hoy mantiene dentro de la sociedad salvadoreña, y se ha convertido en un importante referente nacional en tomo a las problemáticas y políticas de desarrollo. Su historia de balances y equilibrios no sólo ha abarcado los principales procesos que lleva a cabo la Fundación (la investigación y la incidencia) sino que también ha impregnado su visión, su enfoque, su accion, sus relaciones, sus alcances, sus productos, la definición de sus áreas de trabajo, etc. La Memoria de Labores 2000, más allá del recuento y narración de sus actividades y logros en un año de gestión, representa la memoria de una compleja y difícil historia: la historia de esculpir una institución con el arte y el cincel del balance y el equilibrio.
Official letter from Arturo M. Elías, Mexican consul in New York to Soledad González, Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' personal secretary informing of the shipping of a translation of an article by Chester M. Wright, Editor of the International Labor News Service. Said article is entitled "Por que se permite que el mercantilismo dicte la política México-Americana" [Why is Mercantilism allowed to lead the Mexican American politics?] and it argues that every hostile attitude of the U.S. against Mexico affects the handling business with the rest of Latin America. It also argues that this political theory should take advantage to explore markets in this peaceful country rather than trying to incite an armed intervention. / Oficio de Arturo M. Elías, Cónsul de México en Nueva York a Soledad González, secretaria particular del Gral. PEC, informándole del envío de la traducción de un artículo de Chester M. Wright, Editor del International Labor News Service intitulado "Por que se permite que el mercantilismo dicte la política México-Americana", en el que sustenta que toda actitud hostil de Norteamérica hacia México repercute en el trato hacia toda América Latina y que en vez de intentar provocar una intervención armada, lo que debería aprovecharse es explotar los mercados que ofrece su territorio pacífico y hospitalario.
Señala que la función del cuarto Poder es la de controlar y criticar a los poderes tradicionales, esta crítica no tiene funciones represivas: los medios pueden influir en la vida política del país solamente creando opinión. Los poderes tradicionales, tampoco pueden controlar, criticando a los medios sino a través de los mismos medios, de otra manera su intervención se convierte en sanción ejecutiva, legislativa o judicial. Habla sobre la polémica que suscita el término "objetividad" y sobre la "tematización".
Resumen El Instituto de Estudios Políticos de la Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga (UNAB) completa cinco años iniciales de trabajo. Es obra que apenas alumbra en sus albores, animada de propósitos de servicio en una Universidad joven: la UNAB. La tarea académica debe contarse por milenios de existencia porque se inspira en razones de futuro y no en la inmediatez coyuntural.
Durante el año 2014 las áreas de trabajo de la Fundación Nacional para el Desarrollo (FUNDE) dieron continuidad a los procesos en marcha que identifican a la Fundación y realizaron acciones y actividades enmarcadas en sus principios básicos, principalmente en su espíritu crítico y constructivo expresado en sus análisis de la realidad de El Salvador. FUNDE se prepara con planes estratégicos que orienten su acción para los próximos tres años sobre la base de sus objetivos institucionales. Valga señalar que esto le permite trabajar para que haya en el país entendimientos y consensos sociopolíticos y económicos que favorezcan el desarrollo nacional, con la mira de contribuir a la reducción de la desigualdad y fortalecer la justicia social y la democracia.
The huge amount of work accidents in Peru has not produced the implementation of policies aimed at reducing occupational accidents rates. Not only that, there is a certain passivity with informal business and persons who break the law, even when it creates risks to workers' lives. Criminal Law is the best example, because criminal rules do not apply in fact. We have a symbolic norm; that means a situation that counteracts the preventive effect of Criminal Law. In other words, the legislator has weakened non-criminal instances excluding punishment even for the most serious behaviors in which workers' lives are endangered. In this context, compliance programs play a big role in labor risk prevention and, therefore, in the reduction of criminal rates.
An attempt will be made to inter-relate the three fundamental elements needed to analyse the situation in El Ejido. The first is the construction and invention of a market for temporary labour where in reality the situation is one of permanent Jobs. The second is the effort made by the agricultural proprietors to completely eliminate the costs of reproduction of the immigrant labour forcé. The third is the presence there of brutal spatial segregation. These three elements are inserted into a political and economic context in which the reproduction of the labour forcé as well as the manpower management are supposed to be problems that the State should resolve, either through social assistance or laws «ad hoc» regarding foreigners which act as disciplinary measures with respect to the immigrant worker population.
This article deals with the social, economic and political factors which determined the emigration of poor peasants and low skilled laborers from Madeira, to Curaçao and why they made this choice. A first and massive wave took place in the period of the 1920s until the 1950s and the workers came on a contract for the oil industry. The Portuguese island of Madeira, experienced serious economic problems and social disparities in those days. This was also the period in which the authoritarian Portuguese government controlled the migration of its people. The labor migration for the oil industry came to an end in the 1950s but the Madeirean immigration continued thereafter, because the need of labor for certain specific areas and jobs for which almost no local laborer wanted to apply, such as in agriculture in Curaçao, was an important factor. But it was, on one hand, also the result of persisting social and political problems in the homeland, conscription for the army in wartime and little perspective for individual progress. On the other hand the pull factors after the oil period were considered strong enough to maintain a considerable attraction to Curaçao. ; Este artículo trata sobre los factores sociales, económicos y políticos que propiciaron la emigración de campesinos pobres y de trabajadores poco diestros de Madeira a Curazao, y por qué tomaron esta decisión. Una primera y masiva ola tuvo lugar en el periodo de los años 20 hasta los años 50 con trabajadores que iban contratados por la industria petrolera. La isla portuguesa de Madeira experimentó serios problemas económicos y disparidades sociales durante este tiempo. Este también fue el periodo en el cual el autoritario gobierno portugués controlaba la migración de su gente. La migración de trabajadores para la industria petrolera terminó en los 50 pero la inmigración continuó después por la necesidad de trabajo en ciertas áreas específicas y trabajos para los cuales los trabajadores locales no querían solicitar, como la agricultura en Curazao, fue un factor importante. Pero también fue en parte el resultado de los persistentes problemas sociales y políticos en el país, el reclutamiento del ejército en época de guerra y la falta de perspectiva para el progreso individual. De otra parte, los factores de atracción luego del periodo petrolero eran considerados lo suficientemente fuertes para mantener una atracción considerable hacia Curazao. ; Cet article analyse les facteurs socio-économiques et politiques qui ont provoqué l'émigration de paysans et de travailleurs peu doués de Madeira à Curaçao, pour lesquelles ils ont pris cette décision. La première vague d'immigration massive de travailleurs embauchés par l'industrie pétrolière s'est déroulée durant les années 1920 jusque dans les années 1950. Durant cette période, l'île portugaise de Madeira a subi de sérieux problèmes économiques et sociaux. Le gouvernement portugais a pris une série de mesure afin de contrôler l'immigration de ses ressortissants. L'immigration de travailleurs embauchés par l'industrie pétrolière a pris fin durant les années 1950. Cependant, cette immigration a continué et est devenue un facteur important, à cause de certains emplois dans des secteurs spécifiques, tels que l'agriculture à Curaçao, où les travailleurs locaux ne voulaient pas travailler. Cette immigration est aussi due aux problèmes sociaux - politiques qui ont persisté dans le pays, les recrutements réalisés par l'armé durant la guerre et le manque de perspective d'avenir. De plus, même après la période pétrolière, Curaçao a continué à être considérée comme un territoire attractif.
The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
Desde el año 2003 la Argentina transita un proceso de recomposición del trabajo que condujo a una caída sustancial del desempleo, al aumento de los salarios, a la revitalización de la negociación colectiva del trabajo, a políticas estatales de reconstrucción del entramado industrial y a un nuevo protagonismo de los sindicatos. A diez años del inicio de este nuevo ciclo económico y político, el artículo indaga acerca de los cambios y transformaciones en el campo laboral, haciendo énfasis en las características y contenidos de la negociación colectiva con respecto a la década de 1990. El objetivo central es comprender críticamente los cambios operados en el mercado de trabajo y las relaciones laborales, analizando sus potencialidades y limitantes en vista de las tendencias observadas en la etapa neoliberal. En términos más específicos, interesa indagar en qué medida las políticas flexibilizadoras persisten en la negociación colectiva. ; Since 2003, Argentina has gone through a process of labor reconfiguration that led to a substantial drop of unemployment, an increase in wages, a revitalization of collective bargaining, an encouragement of local policies to bring back the industrial basis and the renewal of trade unions. Tenyears after the start of this new economic and political cycle, we assess those changes and transformations, emphasizing on the characteristics and contents of collective bargaining of the 1990s. Our central objective is to understand critically the changes in the labor market and labor relations by analyzing their potential and limitations in view of the trends observed in the neoliberal period. More specifically, we are interested in exploring the extent of how flexible policies continue to be in the collective bargaining table.
This article deals with the study of the labor situation of rural women in Latin American countries. Rural women are one of the most vulnerable social groups in the Latin American workplace, due to its low labor participation, occupational majority self categorization as workers and unpaid family account and positive rates of feminization. But their chances of improving their social vulnerability status of work focuses primarily on nonagricultural Rural Employment (NARE), with great potential in rural development, and legislative support in access to land assets. Opposite the urbanization process is necessary to implement public policies that take into account the existence of rural women as workers in rural areas and design support measures specifically aimed at this group
Producción Científica ; Collective bargaining between a trade union and a firm is analyzed within the framework of a monopoly union model as a dynamic Stackelberg game. Adjustment costs for the firm are comprised of the standard symmetric convex costs plus a wage-dependent element. Indeed, hiring costs can turn into benefits assuming wage discrimination against new entrants. The union also bears increasing marginal costs in the number of layoff workers and decreasing marginal benefits in the number of new entrants. Starting from a baseline scenario with instantaneous adjustment, we characterize the conditions under which the adjustment costs for the firm, or for the union, lead to higher employment and lower wages or vice versa. More generally, these adjustment costs, when they affect both the union and the firm, are generally detrimental to employment. However, the standard symmetric element of the adjustment costs for the firm positively affects employment, even with lower wages. Finally, if hiring and firing costs are defined separately, then hiring and firing could take place simultaneously if the wage discrimination towards new entrants is strong, because the firm would agree to pay the costs of firing incumbent employees, in order to enjoy wage savings from new entrants. ; Spanish Government (projects ECO2014-52343-P and ECO2017-82227-P). Junta de Castilla y León VA024P17, co-financed by FEDER funds
Our research seeks to determine the impact on female labor outcomes of the amendment on the Colombian labor law in which maternity leave was extended from 12 to 14 weeks (through Law 1468 of July 2011). To identify this impact we compare labor market outc
