Kealey, Gregory S. et Reg Whitaker (ed.), R.C.M.P. Security Bulletins, St. John's, Canadian Committee on Labour History
In: Bulletin d'histoire politique, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 147
ISSN: 1929-7653
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In: Bulletin d'histoire politique, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 147
ISSN: 1929-7653
In: Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 84, fasc. 4
In: Histoire médiévale, moderne et contemporaine
In: Materiaux pour l'histoire de notre temps, Band 103, Heft 3, S. 30-37
ISSN: 1952-4226
An evolution laboratory of the discipline ? Social Labour History Social Labour History, or Labour History, is considerably grown up in Brazilian History these last decades. It matches with the anglo-saxon definition "Labour History", with the French definition "Working Class and Social History" and with the German definition " Arbeitergeschichte ". Labour History has different development in Europe, North America where it declines and in Asia, Africa and Latin America where it is active. Marcel van der Linden uses the word of "globalization" in order to qualify this new kind of historiography. The brasilian example is in this case of Social Labour History transformation. It requires to give new definitions and subjects.
In: Journal of modern European history 7.2009,1
In: Studies in social and economic history 11
Labour law entertains an ambiguous relationship with the value "Equality" because in its name labour law creates inequalities - Le droit du travail entretient un rapport ambigu avec la valeur Egalité car il crée en son nom des inégalités ; Peer reviewed
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In: https://orbi.uliege.be/handle/2268/175179
I. Aperçu historique : comment la condition ouvrière du XIXème siècle a donné naissance à la "question sociale" , et celle-ci au droit du travail. II. Exercice de théorie du droit : supputation des diverses interactions qui peuvent exister entre les phénomènes travail et droit. - I. Historical Survey : how the working conditions in the 19th century gave rise to the "Social Question". II. Exercise to theory of law : consideration of the various interactions which may exist between the phenonmenon of "work" and the phenomenon of "law".
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In: Raisons politiques: études de pensée politique, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 175-179
ISSN: 1950-6708
Urban policy has always aimed at improving the welfare of city residents. In England, as soon as the 17th century, the State has intervened in order to relieve the most destitute residents from their poor living conditions, mainly through programs on hygiene and housing. Then, as the city grew, so did the disorder engendered by its overpopulation especially in the poorest parts of inner-cities. London was the place where the problems were the most striking and the needs for solutions the most urgent. Thus, in order to allow a more effective treatment of urban disorders, the governance of the British capital has been reformed. That was the first business the Labour Party dealt with when they came to power in 1997. At the same time, they gave a new boost to urban policy, favouring social and environmental aspects while relying on the communities" involvement. And the adoption of the so-called Third Way policy was a major step as it did not reject the private sector any longer but on the contrary accepted it as a privileged partner. The distinctive feature of Islington, one of the smallest London boroughs, is to be bordered by one of the most prosperous areas in the world: the City of London. Yet, it displays social characteristics that are very common to the poorest zones in the country. The programs that have been launched to regenerate it have taken this particularity into account. The analysis of these schemes allows us to review the urban policy as the Labour Party has wanted it from 1997 until 2010, to try and take stock of the situation and to underline the challenges cities will have to face. ; La politique urbaine a pour objet d"agir sur la gestion des villes afin d"améliorer le bien-être des résidants. En Angleterre, l"Etat est intervenu dès le XVIIème siècle afin de soulager les mauvaises conditions de vie des plus pauvres en agissant sur l"hygiène et le logement. Puis la ville s"agrandissant, les désordres liés au surpeuplement se sont multipliés, spécialement dans les zones les plus dépourvues des ...
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Urban policy has always aimed at improving the welfare of city residents. In England, as soon as the 17th century, the State has intervened in order to relieve the most destitute residents from their poor living conditions, mainly through programs on hygiene and housing. Then, as the city grew, so did the disorder engendered by its overpopulation especially in the poorest parts of inner-cities. London was the place where the problems were the most striking and the needs for solutions the most urgent. Thus, in order to allow a more effective treatment of urban disorders, the governance of the British capital has been reformed. That was the first business the Labour Party dealt with when they came to power in 1997. At the same time, they gave a new boost to urban policy, favouring social and environmental aspects while relying on the communities" involvement. And the adoption of the so-called Third Way policy was a major step as it did not reject the private sector any longer but on the contrary accepted it as a privileged partner. The distinctive feature of Islington, one of the smallest London boroughs, is to be bordered by one of the most prosperous areas in the world: the City of London. Yet, it displays social characteristics that are very common to the poorest zones in the country. The programs that have been launched to regenerate it have taken this particularity into account. The analysis of these schemes allows us to review the urban policy as the Labour Party has wanted it from 1997 until 2010, to try and take stock of the situation and to underline the challenges cities will have to face. ; La politique urbaine a pour objet d"agir sur la gestion des villes afin d"améliorer le bien-être des résidants. En Angleterre, l"Etat est intervenu dès le XVIIème siècle afin de soulager les mauvaises conditions de vie des plus pauvres en agissant sur l"hygiène et le logement. Puis la ville s"agrandissant, les désordres liés au surpeuplement se sont multipliés, spécialement dans les zones les plus dépourvues des centres-villes. C"est à Londres que ceux-ci ont été les plus criants et les besoins de solutions les plus urgents. Ainsi, pour permettre une gestion plus efficace des délits urbains, la gouvernance de la capitale britannique a été réformée. C"est ce à quoi se sont attelés les Travaillistes dès leur arrivée au pouvoir en 1997, et ils ont en même temps donné une nouvelle impulsion à la politique en direction des villes en favorisant les aspects sociaux, environnementaux de la rénovation urbaine, tout en comptant sur l"investissement des communautés. Et l"adoption de la politique dite de la Troisième Voie fut un pas essentiel en ce qu"elle ne rejetait plus le secteur privé mais l"acceptait, au contraire, comme partenaire privilégié. Islington, l"un des boroughs les plus petits de Londres, a la particularité de jouxter une des zones les plus prospères du monde : la City de Londres. Cependant, il présente des caractéristiques sociales communes aux zones les plus pauvres du pays. Les programmes qui y ont été lancés ont pris en compte cette spécificité. L"analyse de ces projets nous permet de passer en revue la politique de rénovation telle qu"elle a été voulue par les Travaillistes de 1997 à 2010, d"essayer d"en tirer des bilans et de tenter de pointer les défis auxquels les villes vont être confrontées.
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The Mauroy government is usually associated with the 1983 "austerity turn". It is commonly agreed after the eurphoria following their electoral victory, the socialist power suddendly adopted economic austerity. The study of labour and employment policies can undermine this idea in two ways. Firstly, the political changeover allowed modernist high-ranking civil servants to reach key decision-making positions in social policies. They were under the influence of Jacques Delors and of the CFDT union, who both strongly supported collective bargaining. Already in 1981, sicoial reforms were initiated in an atmosphere of rigour, in ordre not to cause irrerversible economic and budgetary slippage. The reduction of working time, developed within the StatePlanning Commision was realized by focusing on decentralized social negotiation and wage moderation. The lowering of the retirement age to 60 years was initially associated with the increase of the contribution period. The Auroux labour laws did not put into question the power of entrepreneurs. Secondly, the inflection point of the Mauroy government policy is actually not to be found in 1983, but in the first half of 1982. After project of the 35 hour working week was scrapped, the fighting against unemployment was no longer a primary objective for the gouvernment. It was then in a dead end with no major reform to achieve. Its agenda was indeed dominated by financial problems (the UNEDIC deficit, which led to a dramatic reduction of unemployment benefits, and retirement fundings), but that does not mean that there was a widespread conversion of socialiste lite to neoliberalism at the time. ; Le gouvernement Mauroy est habituellement associé au « tournant de la rigueur » de 1983. Après l'euphorie, le pouvoir socialiste aurait brusquement adopté l'austérité économique. L'étude des politiques du travail et de l'emploi permet de remettre en cause ce schéma d'une double manière. Tout d'abord, l'alternance permit à des hauts fonctionnaires modernistes, très influencés par la ...
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The Mauroy government is usually associated with the 1983 "austerity turn". It is commonly agreed after the eurphoria following their electoral victory, the socialist power suddendly adopted economic austerity. The study of labour and employment policies can undermine this idea in two ways. Firstly, the political changeover allowed modernist high-ranking civil servants to reach key decision-making positions in social policies. They were under the influence of Jacques Delors and of the CFDT union, who both strongly supported collective bargaining. Already in 1981, sicoial reforms were initiated in an atmosphere of rigour, in ordre not to cause irrerversible economic and budgetary slippage. The reduction of working time, developed within the StatePlanning Commision was realized by focusing on decentralized social negotiation and wage moderation. The lowering of the retirement age to 60 years was initially associated with the increase of the contribution period. The Auroux labour laws did not put into question the power of entrepreneurs. Secondly, the inflection point of the Mauroy government policy is actually not to be found in 1983, but in the first half of 1982. After project of the 35 hour working week was scrapped, the fighting against unemployment was no longer a primary objective for the gouvernment. It was then in a dead end with no major reform to achieve. Its agenda was indeed dominated by financial problems (the UNEDIC deficit, which led to a dramatic reduction of unemployment benefits, and retirement fundings), but that does not mean that there was a widespread conversion of socialiste lite to neoliberalism at the time. ; Le gouvernement Mauroy est habituellement associé au « tournant de la rigueur » de 1983. Après l'euphorie, le pouvoir socialiste aurait brusquement adopté l'austérité économique. L'étude des politiques du travail et de l'emploi permet de remettre en cause ce schéma d'une double manière. Tout d'abord, l'alternance permit à des hauts fonctionnaires modernistes, très influencés par la philosophie négociatrice de Jacques Delors et de la CFDT, de parvenir aux postes de décision clés en matière de politique sociale. Dès 1981, les réformes sociales furent engagées sous le signe de la rigueur, avec la volonté de ne pas provoquer de dérapage économique et budgétaire irréversible. La réduction du temps de travail, mise au point au sein du Commissariat général du plan, fut réalisée en privilégiant la négociation sociale décentralisée et la modération salariale. L'abaissement de l'âge de la retraite à 60 ans fut à l'origine élaboré en augmentant la durée de cotisation. Les lois Auroux réformant le droit du travail n'attaquèrent pas le pouvoir des chefs d'entreprise. La deuxième remise en cause concerne le tournant de 1983 : en fait, le point d'inflexion de la politique du gouvernement Mauroy se situe au premier semestre de 1982. Après l'abandon des 35 heures, la lutte contre le chômage ne constitua plus pour lui qu'un objectif secondaire. Il se trouva alors dans une impasse, sans grande réforme à réaliser. Son agenda fut certes dominé par les problèmes financiers (déficit de l'UNEDIC, qui conduisit à réduire drastiquement les prestations chômage, et financement de la retraite), mais cela ne signifie pas qu'il y ait eu conversion généralisée des élites socialistes au néolibéralisme.
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In: Bericht über die Linzer Konferenz 24.1988
In: Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 295-320
John Keep, From the pistol to the pen : the military memoir as a source on the social history of pre-Reform Russia.
Memoirs by Russian officers who served during the early Imperial era (c. 1700-1855), despite the inherent defects of the genre, represent an important source for the study of material conditions and intellectual attitudes in the tsarist army. As members of a closed caste enjoying high social status and privileges, these men were overwhelmingly loyal to the 'state service'. Patronage influenced their choice of career and promotion prospects. The volatility of the labour market for officers made for insecurity and discontent. Although living standards improved, many were poor, and by 1800 there emerged a 'military intelligentsia' with reformist aspirations whose views were, however, heavily coloured by nationalism and respect for tradition. Their concern for moral rather than political issues helps to explain the failure of the Decembrists.