Suchergebnisse

The current phenomenon of putting industrial labour into the museum (,,Musealisierung") raises the question if, by doing so, society is trying to democrazise history, or if the founding of labour museums is a significant strategy of post-industrial societies to eliminate traditional forms of labour and the tasks of the working class. By confronting some recent theories on the past and future of industrial work with the presentation of labour history in the "Museum Industrielle Arbeitswelt" in Steyr, Upper Austria, the author figures out, that "Musealisierung" of labour means to set up a great monument in honour of traditional labour instead of changing the paradigm as it is shown in recent works on the social history approach. The more industrial work pa.sses over to a numerically controlled process, the more it is necessary to concentrate on the social, political, and mental implications of machinery and technology. The museums of the world of labour (and to a large extent of labour history) focus their narrative structure on the "theology of emancipation" by machinery and technology as a guarantee of prosperity and self-education of the working-class. The experience of the last two decades has shown that the logic of economy and of production is not only in contradiction to this basic values of the labour movement, but gets more and more into conflict with its social and ethical aims. ; The current phenomenon of putting industrial labour into the museum (,,Musealisierung") raises the question if, by doing so, society is trying to democrazise history, or if the founding of labour museums is a significant strategy of post-industrial societies to eliminate traditional forms of labour and the tasks of the working class. By confronting some recent theories on the past and future of industrial work with the presentation of labour history in the "Museum Industrielle Arbeitswelt" in Steyr, Upper Austria, the author figures out, that "Musealisierung" of labour means to set up a great monument in honour of traditional labour instead of changing the paradigm as it is shown in recent works on the social history approach. The more industrial work pa.sses over to a numerically controlled process, the more it is necessary to concentrate on the social, political, and mental implications of machinery and technology. The museums of the world of labour (and to a large extent of labour history) focus their narrative structure on the "theology of emancipation" by machinery and technology as a guarantee of prosperity and self-education of the working-class. The experience of the last two decades has shown that the logic of economy and of production is not only in contradiction to this basic values of the labour movement, but gets more and more into conflict with its social and ethical aims.

This article is the first overview on the recent history of labour migration in Tyrol. Primary sources are very scattered, and hardly any relevant publications exist to present; the standard textbooks on the history of Tyrol feature migration as a marginal topic or they ignore it completely. Only in recent years the Department of Contemporary History at the University of Innsbruck has engaged in the study of migration history of Austria and Tyrol, but so far this has produced mostly academic dissertations on the topic. During the post-war era until 1960, labour migration was not a subject of public perception. The dominating migration issues concerned displaced persons in general and refugees and displaced ethnic Germans in particular. Between the 1960s and the 1970s, the focus changed due to the increased influx of labour migrants from former Yugoslavia and Turkey, with a first peak at the beginning of the 1970s. The 'oil crisis' in 1973/74, followed by the 1975 Foreign Employment Act, was a turning point which initiated a phase of depletion and stagnation in the employment of foreign workers until 1988. This watershed also marked the slow transition from the guest worker system to the integration system of migration policy, which lasted for approximately two decades. This shift was defined most significantly during the era of Alfred Dallinger as the Federal Minister of Social Affairs, who initiated – however limited – integration policies in the mid-1980s. Behind the back of politicians and social partners, Austria became a country of immigration, a trend that had been ignored by decision-makers in Austria and Tyrol for a long time. The social consequences of the absence of an active and appreciative policy towards the new resident migrant population became apparent. These people could not be reduced to the function of a disposable labour pool as intended in the recruitment treaties of the 1960s, but they actively strived to establish themselves in Austria. The policy makers in Tyrol responded only after the turn of the millennium, – faster than those of other provinces, but in many respects less comprehensively. ; This article is the first overview on the recent history of labour migration in Tyrol. Primary sources are very scattered, and hardly any relevant publications exist to present; the standard textbooks on the history of Tyrol feature migration as a marginal topic or they ignore it completely. Only in recent years the Department of Contemporary History at the University of Innsbruck has engaged in the study of migration history of Austria and Tyrol, but so far this has produced mostly academic dissertations on the topic. During the post-war era until 1960, labour migration was not a subject of public perception. The dominating migration issues concerned displaced persons in general and refugees and displaced ethnic Germans in particular. Between the 1960s and the 1970s, the focus changed due to the increased influx of labour migrants from former Yugoslavia and Turkey, with a first peak at the beginning of the 1970s. The 'oil crisis' in 1973/74, followed by the 1975 Foreign Employment Act, was a turning point which initiated a phase of depletion and stagnation in the employment of foreign workers until 1988. This watershed also marked the slow transition from the guest worker system to the integration system of migration policy, which lasted for approximately two decades. This shift was defined most significantly during the era of Alfred Dallinger as the Federal Minister of Social Affairs, who initiated – however limited – integration policies in the mid-1980s. Behind the back of politicians and social partners, Austria became a country of immigration, a trend that had been ignored by decision-makers in Austria and Tyrol for a long time. The social consequences of the absence of an active and appreciative policy towards the new resident migrant population became apparent. These people could not be reduced to the function of a disposable labour pool as intended in the recruitment treaties of the 1960s, but they actively strived to establish themselves in Austria. The policy makers in Tyrol responded only after the turn of the millennium, – faster than those of other provinces, but in many respects less comprehensively.

After positioning the topic in a historical framework, sketching the main paradigm in discussion, the article concentrates on three main areas: 1) the challenge of discussing subjectivity within a marxist tradition which is mainly concentrated on the economic sphere; thus linking the possibility to change society to the necessity of changing oneself. 2) the challenge of criticizing Marx' concept of labour and value-theory and thus bringing domestic labour into the heart of marxism, and connecting the problem with the necessity of reorganizing 'work-society' today. 3) the challenge of linking the critique of political economy to patriarchy and thus doubting the usefulness of thinking domination in a one-dimensional way, and offering a new idea on the fundamental part women's oppression plays in capitalist society. The author summarizes the main discussions from the seventies up to now and links them to her own experiences and contributions in this field. As a feminist she transgresses the boundaries of academic disciplines and covers psychology, sociology, economy and politics. ; After positioning the topic in a historical framework, sketching the main paradigm in discussion, the article concentrates on three main areas: 1) the challenge of discussing subjectivity within a marxist tradition which is mainly concentrated on the economic sphere; thus linking the possibility to change society to the necessity of changing oneself. 2) the challenge of criticizing Marx' concept of labour and value-theory and thus bringing domestic labour into the heart of marxism, and connecting the problem with the necessity of reorganizing 'work-society' today. 3) the challenge of linking the critique of political economy to patriarchy and thus doubting the usefulness of thinking domination in a one-dimensional way, and offering a new idea on the fundamental part women's oppression plays in capitalist society. The author summarizes the main discussions from the seventies up to now and links them to her own experiences and contributions in this field. As a feminist she transgresses the boundaries of academic disciplines and covers psychology, sociology, economy and politics.

Untersucht wird die Geschichte des Führerkorps des nationalsozialistischen Reichsarbeitsdienstes von seinen Anfängen im Freiwilligen Arbeitsdienst der Weimarer Republik bis zu den Traditionsverbänden der ehemaligen Führer in der Gegenwart. Der Schwerpunkt der Arbeit liegt auf der Sozial- und Institutionsgeschichte des Führerkorps, die um alltags- und mentalitätsgeschichtliche Aspekte ergänzt werden. Auf der Grundlage einer statistischen Auswertung von 1000 Personalakten werden die Zusammensetzung und die Sozialstruktur des Führerkorps, seine "Gleichschaltung" sowie seine Beziehungen zu Militär, Nationalsozialismus und Kirche analysiert. Als Folie für die Interpretation dient der Vergleich mit anderen Berufsgruppen sowie den Führerkorps anderer NS-Organisationen. Aufbauend auf dieser prosopographischen Untersuchung wird anhand von zeitgenössischen und autobiographischen Äußerungen von Arbeitsdienstführern erklärt, warum der Arbeitsdienst so positiv erlebt wurde, daß er Teil der Identität vieler Führer wurde, und welche Faktoren zur Entstehung einer Gemeinschaft unter den Führern beitrugen, die bis in die jüngste Vergangenheit hinein bestand. Das primäre Interesse gilt hierbei den Mechanismen, mit denen der totalitäre NS-Staat bei den Angehörigen seiner unteren und mittleren Führungs- und Trägerschichten Loyalität erzeugte und erhielt. Schließlich wird die Rolle der Führer im Lageralltag und in der Lagererziehung des Reichsarbeitsdienstes betrachtet. Die Strukturen der Lager und die zu konstatierende Diskrepanz zwischen Anspruch und Realität der Lagererziehung lassen dabei Schlüsse auf Charakter und Funktion des Arbeitsdienstes im "Dritten Reich" zu. ; This study focuses on the history of the Leader Corps (Führerkorps) of the German National Socialist Reich labour service (Reichsarbeitsdienst). Starting with its beginnings in the voluntary labour service (Freiwilliger Arbeitsdienst) during the Weimar Republic the study follows its development up to current day veteran associations of the former leaders. It emphasises the social and the institutional history of the leadership, supplemented by aspects of everyday life history and mentality history. On the basis of a statistical evaluation of 1000 personal files, the analysis centres on the composition and social structure of the leadership, its "Gleichschaltung" and its relation to the military, national socialism and the church. These interpretations are then compared and contrasted with other occupational groups and leaderships of other "Third Reich" organizations. Based on this prosopographical study, it is explained - using contemporary and autobiographical material - why the labour service itself was experienced so positively, that it became part of its leaders identities, and which factors furthered the emergence, and ensured the continuance, of a community until very recently. The main focus here is on the mechanisms that the totalitarian NS-regime used to produce, encourage and maintain loyalty by the members of its lower and middle leaderships. Finally, the role of these leaders in everyday Camp life and Camp education of the Reichsarbeitsdienst is examined; the structures of these Camps, and manifest discrepancy between the theory and reality of Camp education, clearly point to conclusions about the character and the function of the labour service in the "Third Reich".

Als Beitrag zu den aktuellen Debatten über den Lehrer*innenmangel, seine Ursachen und Lösungsstrategien, wird an grundlegende Ergebnisse der bildungs- und sozialhistorischen Forschung zur Geschichte des Lehrer*innenberufs in Deutschland erinnert. Er konzentriert sich auf zwei strukturprägende historische Entwicklungsstränge: (a) Die Professionalisierung des Lehrer*innenberufs in Deutschland war keine geradlinige Fortschrittsgeschichte, sondern ein von Verteilungskonflikten und Rückschlägen geprägter Prozess, eine Abfolge von Phasen des Lehrer*innenmangels und der Lehrer*innenarbeitslosigkeit, in denen einmal erreichte Standards der Ausbildung, Beschäftigung und Versorgung immer wieder in Frage gestellt wurden. (b) Damit verbunden war der langwierige und umkämpfte Aufstieg der Frauen von einer Minderheit zur Mehrheit der Lehrkräfte an allen Schulen. Die Steuerung des Arbeitsmarkts Schule muss heute und in Zukunft dieser neuen historischen Situation Rechnung tragen. (DIPF/Orig.) ; As a contribution to the ongoing discussions about the origins of – and remedies for – the current teacher shortage, this article reviews some fundamental insights of education and social history regarding the teaching profession in Germany. It focuses on two formative aspects of the development of the profession: (a) The professionalisation of teaching in Germany was not a linear process, but was characterised by distributional conflicts and setbacks, giving rise to a succession of periods of teacher surpluses and shortages during which prevailing standards of teacher qualifi cations, employment conditions and remuneration were called into question. (b) These cycles were closely related to the slow and frequently contested rise of women from a minority to the majority of teaching professionals. Contemporary and future regulation of the labour market for teachers should pay heed to this historically novel situation. (DIPF/Orig.)

Seit dem Godesberger Programm 1959 entwickelte sich aus dem Umgang der SPD mit Geschichte und Geschichtswissenschaft eine sozialdemokratische Geschichtskultur. Sie manifestierte sich in zweierlei Hinsicht. Zum einen wurde auf geschichtspolitischer Ebene das national-konservative Geschichtsbild und insbesondere die staats- und kontinuitätszentrierten Vorstellungen von Nation und Nationalstaat kritisiert und die Stellung des Nationalsozialismus in der deutschen Geschichte neu bewertet. Zum anderen wurde auf geschichtswissenschaftlicher Ebene das Forschungsfeld der Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung und der Sozialdemokratie erfolgreich etabliert. Parallel dazu entstand eine große Gruppe akademischer Historiker, die der SPD angehörten oder ihr nahestanden. Sie beschäftigten sich mit Themen der Partei-, der Arbeiter- und der Sozialgeschichte, unterstützten die Geschichtspolitik der SPD, kümmerten sich um Geschichtsbewusstsein dieser Partei und nahmen - zuweilen auch kritisch - an den Diskussionen ihrer Tagespolitik teil. Aus diesen beiderseitigen Aktivitäten bildeten sich vielfältige Kommunikationswege und personelle Netzwerke zwischen SPD und Historikern. Von 1959 bis 1969 vermied die SPD im Zuge ihrer Strategie der Regierungsbeteiligung eine deutliche Profilierung ihrer eigenen Geschichtspolitik, gleichzeitig lenkte nur eine kleine und fachlich eher marginale Gruppe von Historikern die Aufmerksamkeit auf die sozialdemokratische Geschichtsschreibung und ihre Themen. Aber inzwischen wurden seitens der SPD die organisatorischen Rahmenbedingungen für die Intensivierung der Kommunikation gelegt und wurden Kontakte zu einer wachsenden Zahl jüngerer Historiker geknüpft. Trotzdem waren die damaligen Kommunikationsnetzwerke räumlich und personell beschränkt. Seit 1969 erweiterten sich die Verbindungen zwischen beiden Seiten dank des politischen Aufschwungs der Sozialdemokratie und des Generationswechsels der Historikerschaft. Bis 1982 kommunizierten SPD und Historiker miteinander über viele aktuelle Themen: das Spektrum reichte von den historischen Gedenktagen über den Geschichtsunterricht in den Schulen bis hin zur Neuen Ostpolitik der sozialliberalen Koalition. Parallel dazu erlebte die sozialdemokratische Historiographie eine Konjunktur der Arbeiterbewegungsgeschichte, eine sozialgeschichtliche Neuorientierung und einen Erfolg der Sonderwegsthese. Die Kommunikationsnetzwerke umfassten immer mehr jüngere Fachhistoriker. In den Jahren 1983 bis 1989 wurden die Verbindungen der Sozialdemokratie mit den ihr nahestehenden Historikern auf politischer Ebene wegen ihrer geschichtspolitischen Auseinandersetzung mit der Christdemokratie immer enger, während die sozialdemokratische Geschichtsschreibung vor allem von der Strömung der Alltagsgeschichte und -»Geschichte von unten-« gefördert wurde. Haupttendenzen der dreißigjährigen Entwicklung der Kommunikation zwischen SPD und Geschichtswissenschaft waren wechselseitiger Austausch und Zusammenarbeit. Dabei darf jedoch nicht vernachlässigt werden, dass nicht nur die Historiker, die der Sozialdemokratie nahestanden, sondern auch die, die sich von ihr entfremdeten bzw. kritisch gegenüberstanden, Einfluss auf die Kommunikationslandschaft ausübten. ; Since the Godesberg Program in 1959 the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) has developed her own historical culture changing her approach to history and historical studies. On the historical-political level, the party critized the national-conservative view of history, especially the state-centered notion of nation and the conservative view of the German nation-state since Bismarck. In particular, the position of National Socialism in German history was re-evaluated. On the historiographical level, the research fields of the history of labor movements and of social democracy were successfully established within the party creating her own research institutions. In parallel, a larger group of academic historians who belonged to the SPD or were close to her emerged. They dealt with topics on party history, labour history and social history, they supported the historical politics of the SPD, and they were concerned with historical consciousness of this party and participated " sometimes critically " in the discussions of her politics of the day. From this interaction various ways of communication and personal networks between the SPD and historians began to take shape. From 1959 to 1969, the SPD avoided a high profile of her own historical politics because of her general political strategy to get participated in a governmental coalition. During the same period, only a small and professionally marginal group of historians was engaged in studying the social democratic history and its themes. But in the meantime the SPD set up the organizational framework for the intensification of communication and established relationships with a growing number of younger historians. Nevertheless, the communication networks at that time were limited in space and personnel. Since 1969 the liaisons between the two sides were extended owing to the political rise of Social Democracy and the generation- change of historians in FRG. Till 1982 the SPD and historians communicated with each other on many current issues: the spectrum ranged from the historical commemoration days, to history teaching in schools, and to the "new eastern policy" of the SPD-FDP coalition. In parallel, the social democratic historiography experienced a boom in labor movement history, in social-history and a success of the Sonderweg thesis. The communication networks included more and more young professional historians. In the years 1983 to 1989, because of the historical-political confrontation between Social and Christian Democracy, the relationship between the SPD and her affiliated historians became still closer on the political level. Meanwhile the social democratic historiography was mainly promoted by the trends of "Alltagsgeschichte" and "history from below". Therefore, the growing of mutual exchange and cooperation can be identified as the main trends during the thirty-years of communication between the SPD and historians. However, it must not be forgotten, that not only the historians who were close to the party, but also those who were estranged from her or critical of her, exerted their influence on the communication landscape.

Analysiert werden die Sozialstruktur und mögliche soziale Veränderungen in vier Hafenstädten um 1800: Altona, Kiel, Rostock und Wismar. Als Quellen dienen Einwohnerlisten und Steuerregister, aus denen über 70.000 Fälle in die Datenbasis aufgenommen wurden und die nach einer statistischen Auswertung Auskunft über die Arbeitssituation und die wirtschaftliche Stärke der Haushalte geben. Ausgehend von den Systemen der Besteuerung in Holstein und Mecklenburg sowie von der Entwicklung sozialer Polarisation werden im Ergebnis unterschiedliche Profile der vier Städte ausgemacht: Altona war ein Zentrum für Handel, Verkehr und Bankwesen; Kiel eine Handels- und Universitätsstadt; Rostock ein Zentrum von Verkehr und Handel, ergänzend auch als Universitätsstadt; Wismar eine Stadt des Handels und Verkehrs, obgleich weniger wichtig als die anderen Städte. Während Altona und Rostock wirklich wichtige Seehäfen mit vergleichbaren Funktionen in Handel und Dienstleistungen waren, bewahrte Kiel mehr eine traditionelle soziale Struktur. Wismar blieb zurück mit unterentwickelten Dienstleistungen und einem vergleichsweise hohen Anteil an ungelernter Arbeit. ; The research project Seaports in Northern Germany in 1800 aimed to analyze the social structure and possible social change in four cities: Altona, Kiel, Rostock, and Wismar. The sources are census lists and tax registers from which about 70,000 cases were written into databases. Two items of social structure will be statistically analyzed in this article: employment and economic strength (measured in taxation) of the households. As a result, different profiles of the four cities can be traced. The vocational structure was urban as the first economic sector was unimportant, though there were some activities in fishing in Rostock and Wismar. The second and the third sector reached equal levels in Altona, Kiel, and Rostock, whereas in Wismar the third sector was clearly weaker. Within the second sector we mostly find conformity in the basic equipment with crafts on the following ranks of branches: 1. clothing, 2. building, 3. victualling, 4. timber- and woodcraft, 5. metal processing crafts. The third sector, however, shows special profiles with different ranks. Altona: 1. commerce, 2. transportation, 3. banking and insurances, 4. health and hygiene, 5. teaching and culture on equal level with accommodation; Kiel: 1. commerce, 2. teaching and culture, 3. transportation, 4. accommodation, 5. health and hygiene; Rostock: 1. transportation, 2. commerce, 3. teaching and culture, 4. accommodation, 5. health and hygiene; Wismar: 1. commerce, 2. transportation, 3. health and hygiene, 4. teaching and culture, 5. accommodation. Hence we may infer that Altona was a centre of commerce, transportation, and banking; Kiel a commercial and university city; Rostock a centre of transportation and commerce, additionally a university city; Wismar a town of commerce and transportation, though clearly less important than her sisters. Unskilled labour had significantly less importance in Altona and Rostock than in Kiel and Wismar, which indicates similarity in higher developed professionalised employment in both Altona and Rostock. Solvency, measured in taxation, reveals different patterns of social inequality. Calculated within the systems of taxation in Holstein and Mecklenburg, the lower classes were more numerous in Altona than in Kiel, the middle classes stronger in Kiel, whereas the upper classes reached equal proportions, but payed higher amounts in Altona. on a lower level, which is mainly due to a slightly digressive taxation in Mecklenburg, the same difference existed between Rostock and Wismar. Thus in the cities of Altona and Rostock social polarization was more significant than in Kiel and Wismar, which seem to have been more harmonious in their social structure. If we suppose that sophisticated services and proceeding social polarization were signs of preindustrial modernization, the four cities may be characterized as follows. Altona and Rostock were real seaports with similar functions in commerce and services. Kiel preserved a more traditional social structure, stabilized by its function as a university town. Wismar remained backward with underdeveloped services and a comparatively high proportion of unskilled labour. The databases allow further research, for example in demography or, combined with maps, in social geography.

In the years preceding the First World War, Carl Legien and Karl Liebknecht represented two opposing wings of the German Social Democratic Party: Liebknecht was a prominent left-wing activist, urging the party to stay true to its revolutionary ideals, while Legien, a leading trade unionist, fought for a course of strictly practical social reform. In 1910 and 1912 respectively, these two men travelled extensively in the United States of America, lecturing in public on political matters. In looking closely at Liebknecht's and Legien's experiences and public statements, the paper discusses the relevance of international contacts between like-minded political movements for their respective development. It also contributes to the history of European anti-Americanism by showing how two German Social Democrats, who had been invited to America in order to foster the cause of socialism in the USA, each failed to comprehend in the course of their travels even the most basic characteristics of American society. ; In the years preceding the First World War, Carl Legien and Karl Liebknecht represented two opposing wings of the German Social Democratic Party: Liebknecht was a prominent left-wing activist, urging the party to stay true to its revolutionary ideals, while Legien, a leading trade unionist, fought for a course of strictly practical social reform. In 1910 and 1912 respectively, these two men travelled extensively in the United States of America, lecturing in public on political matters. In looking closely at Liebknecht's and Legien's experiences and public statements, the paper discusses the relevance of international contacts between like-minded political movements for their respective development. It also contributes to the history of European anti-Americanism by showing how two German Social Democrats, who had been invited to America in order to foster the cause of socialism in the USA, each failed to comprehend in the course of their travels even the most basic characteristics of American society.

Labour disputes might serve as indicators of socio-economic development, because strike measures such as frequency or days not worked reflect not only the overall economic and political conditions, but inform also about ongoing conflicts in the relationship between capital and labour. The availability of comparable and well-documented data on strikes suggests the use of a quantitative approach to these issues. There is a body of literature analysing the strike history of German speaking countries. However, these studies are largely of qualitative nature or restricted to particular economies. The contribution of this paper is the analysis of labour conflicts from a cross-country perspective, concentrating on the strike history of Austria, Germany, and Switzerland from 1901–2004. The method utilised in this paper is spectral analysis. This approach allows to examine the cyclical structure of the strike series as well as its interrelationship with the business cycle in the countries under consideration. The main findings are that most of the fluctuation in strike activity is dominated by short cycles of 3–5 years, particularly in the second half of the last century. In addition, there is evidence that the 3–5 years business cycles had an impact on strike activity at least in Germany and Austria for the extraordinary growth period until the 1970s. ; Labour disputes might serve as indicators of socio-economic development, because strike measures such as frequency or days not worked reflect not only the overall economic and political conditions, but inform also about ongoing conflicts in the relationship between capital and labour. The availability of comparable and well-documented data on strikes suggests the use of a quantitative approach to these issues. There is a body of literature analysing the strike history of German speaking countries. However, these studies are largely of qualitative nature or restricted to particular economies. The contribution of this paper is the analysis of labour conflicts from a cross-country perspective, concentrating on the strike history of Austria, Germany, and Switzerland from 1901–2004. The method utilised in this paper is spectral analysis. This approach allows to examine the cyclical structure of the strike series as well as its interrelationship with the business cycle in the countries under consideration. The main findings are that most of the fluctuation in strike activity is dominated by short cycles of 3–5 years, particularly in the second half of the last century. In addition, there is evidence that the 3–5 years business cycles had an impact on strike activity at least in Germany and Austria for the extraordinary growth period until the 1970s.

Im offiziellen Selbstverständnis von Staat und Partei war die DDR eine Arbeitsgesellschaft - die (Aufbau-)Arbeit für den Sozialismus bildete eine zentrale Sinnressource. Wer sich diesem übergreifenden Prinzip nicht unterordnen wollte, aus welchen Gründen auch immer, sah sich oft beruflich diskriminiert. Besonders in den 1970er- und 1980er-Jahren versuchte der SED-Staat berufliche Ausgrenzung als politisches Kontroll- und Erziehungsmittel einzusetzen. Vielfach führte diese Strategie jedoch zum Gegenteil des Gewünschten: Beruflich Benachteiligte wurden gerade durch die Praxis der Ausgrenzung stärker politisiert und schufen sich neue widerständige Handlungsräume. Anhand von zwei Beispielen des individuellen Umgangs mit beruflicher Diskriminierung wird das Wechselverhältnis zwischen dieser Diskriminierung und politischer Gegnerschaft untersucht - ein Aspekt, der in bisherigen Forschungen zur DDR-Opposition kaum berücksichtigt wurde und der zu einer stärker gesellschaftsgeschichtlichen Fundierung solcher Forschungen beitragen kann. ; East Germany's workers represented the ideological foundation of a social system that was based on labour. Those who chose not to participate in this system were excluded from employment opportunities and confronted with labour discrimination. Especially during the seventies and eighties, the communist leaders used labour discrimination as an oppressive instrument. But they often did not achieve what they originally intended. Political opponents who were forced to carry out unskilled labour even intensified and improved their resistance. By focusing on two examples, this article explores ways in which forced unskilled labour and political opposition may be interpreted, and applies a method based on the combination of social and political history with sociology.

The supply of the dual-use resource nitrogen became an existential problem for Germany during World War I. This article discusses how the German war economy attempted to solve the supply problem and how successful it was in doing so. The supply of nitrogen from their neutral neighbour Switzerland is discussed in order to show that Swiss companies produced nitrogen compounds in Switzerland itself, while at the same time also exporting intermediate products and resources to Germany for the manufacture of nitrogen compounds. Swiss companies also built factories on German soil that were part of the German nitrogen industry and were in some cases even operated with Swiss resources and labour.

Politik und Wirtschaft weisen regelmäßig auf die Bedeutung von (Weiter‑)Bildung für individuelle Lebenschancen hin. Ob non-formale berufliche Weiterbildung, also Kurse und Lehrgänge, welche den Großteil der Weiterbildungsanstrengungen in Deutschland darstellen, zu sozialem Aufstieg führen, ist in der Literatur nicht abschließend geklärt. In dieser Studie untersuchen wir den Einfluss von non-formaler Weiterbildung auf Arbeitsmarktmobilität mit Daten des Nationalen Bildungspanels (NEPS) über den Zeitraum von 2009 bis 2016. Die Event-History-Modelle für diskrete Zeitintervalle zeigen, dass betriebliche Weiterbildung entgegen gängiger theoretischer Annahmen, insbesondere der Humankapitaltheorie, eher Mobilität reduziert und somit individuelle Karrierestabilität erzeugt: Konkret wird Abstiegen vorgebeugt (Sicherheitsnetzfunktion); es werden aber auch Aufstiege und Betriebswechsel verringert. Die Befunde legen für die zukünftige Weiterbildungs- und Mobilitätsforschung nahe, Transaktionskostentheorien sowie den Betriebskontext stärker ins Kalkül zu ziehen und betriebliche sowie nicht-betriebliche non-formale Weiterbildung zu differenzieren. ; Politicians and the business leaders regularly stress the importance of (further) education for individual life chances. Still, it is far from clear whether non-formal further training, i. e. short training courses, which are the most common forms of further education in Germany, lead to career advancement. In this study, we analyze the impact of non-formal further training on labor market mobility using data from the German National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) over the period from 2009 to 2016. Event history models for discrete time intervals show that employer-provided courses reduce mobility and promote career stability, which contradicts hypotheses derived from human capital theory, which is commonly used in the literature. More concretely, employer-provided courses prevent downward mobility (safety net function), but also reduce upward mobility and firm changes. Based on these findings, we suggest that future research should consider transaction costs and the firm context as well as the distinction between employer-provided and non-employer-provided training.

The article aims to show connections between capitals and provinces in a more precise fashion than traditional regional history has done. It starts with an overview of methods in the "internal peripheries" approach. The Emsland, a region in Northwest Germany with heathlands and poor soils, serves as a case study. Until 1803 it was part of the Prince-Bishopric of Münster. The number of "Heuerlinge", a social group below the peasantry, increased from the 15th to the 18th century, which contri-buted to an overexploitation of natural resources by turning woodlands into heathlands. Economically the Emsland developed into a reservoir of cheap seasonal labour for the Netherlands, while politically the new border cut re-lations and the prince-bishop enforced Catholicism. During the short period when the Emsland was part of France labour costs and taxes rose. It was not before nineteenth-century industrialisation in Germany that these conditions changed. ; The article aims to show connections between capitals and provinces in a more precise fashion than traditional regional history has done. It starts with an overview of methods in the "internal peripheries" approach. The Emsland, a region in Northwest Germany with heathlands and poor soils, serves as a case study. Until 1803 it was part of the Prince-Bishopric of Münster. The number of "Heuerlinge", a social group below the peasantry, increased from the 15th to the 18th century, which contri-buted to an overexploitation of natural resources by turning woodlands into heathlands. Economically the Emsland developed into a reservoir of cheap seasonal labour for the Netherlands, while politically the new border cut re-lations and the prince-bishop enforced Catholicism. During the short period when the Emsland was part of France labour costs and taxes rose. It was not before nineteenth-century industrialisation in Germany that these conditions changed.

Ernst Fraenkels Buch »Der Doppelstaat«, 1941 in den USA erschienen und erst 1974 auf Deutsch publiziert, weist trotz seiner zentralen Stellung in der Forschung zur NS-Herrschaft eine lückenhafte Rezeptionsgeschichte auf. Der Aufsatz plädiert dafür, das Werk als Rechtsgeschichte zu verstehen. Am Beispiel des Arbeitsrechts wird aus einer praxeologischen, Fraenkel folgenden Perspektive deutlich gemacht, wie und warum sich die Grenzen zwischen Normen- und Maßnahmenstaat verschoben. Diese Kategorien bezeichnen nicht etwa den Gegensatz zwischen Staat und Partei; vielmehr ist genauer nach dynamischen Grenzüberschreitungen und Rechtsaneignungen zu fragen. Dargelegt wird, wie das privatrechtliche Gepräge des Arbeitsrechts staatlich durchdrungen wurde, sodass sich Arbeitgeber und Arbeitnehmer von Subjekten zu Objekten des Rechts der Arbeit wandelten. Möglich wurde dies nur durch das maßnahmenstaatliche Handeln sämtlicher Instanzen aus Verwaltung, Justiz und Polizei. »Treuhänder der Arbeit« und Gestapo dehnten das System der »Arbeitserziehungslager« immer weiter aus. Das Recht verlor sukzessive seine herrschaftsbeschränkende Funktion und geriet zu einem Herrschaftsmittel. Nicht mehr die Gerichte kontrollierten die Verwaltung, sondern die Behörden lenkten die Gerichts- und Rechtspraktiken. ; Despite its central relevance for our understanding of the Nazi regime, Ernst Fraenkel's book The Dual State, first published in the United States in 1941 and (re)translated into German in 1974, has received unequal attention from various historical angles. The article argues that Fraenkel's work should be understood as a history of law. With a focus on labour law and using a praxeological approach that follows Fraenkel's perspective, it illustrates how and why the boundaries between the normative state and the prerogative state shifted. However, we should not regard Fraenkel's categories as describing a strict opposition between state and party; rather, we must investigate more thoroughly the dynamics and appropriations beyond these boundaries. The article shows how the state penetrated the private realm of labour law, thereby transforming employers and employees from subjects to objects of labour law. This was only possible because all entities – including administrative, judicial and police authorities – acted together. ›Trustees of Labour‹ and the Gestapo continued to expand the system of ›corrective labour camps‹. As a consequence, the law gradually ceased to limit those in power and became instead an instrument of domination. In the end, the courts no longer controlled the administration; it was now the authorities that controlled the judicial and legal practices.

Publically sponsored further trainings for the unemployed are an important measure of active labour market policies (ALMP) in Germany. Current discussions within this context also focus on the willingness to participate, which is an important prerequisite for the success of the programs. Financial incentives may foster both participation and successful completion, thereby reducing opportunity costs of these measures. We investigate the question what factors determine the motivation to participate by conducting a CATI survey among around 4000 unemployed persons from the unemployment insurance system (Social Code III) and the means-tested basic income support system for needy recipients (Social Code II). We use a factorial survey - also known as vignette analysis - in combination with administrative data of the Federal Employment Agency (FEA), the latter providing detailed information about the individual labour market history. Multivariate analyses suggest that a program's duration, monthly bonus payments in addition to regular unemployment benefits, future job prospects and gratifications for successful completion influence the probability of participation mostly in the theoretically expected way.