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Analytical and research organizations known in the world as think tanks have become increas- ingly influential actors on the political scene in recent decades. In a context of constant change and erosion of the borders between internal and external policies, they are able to respond promptly, pro- viding timely, reliable, accessible and useful information for making substantiated political decisions.The definition of «think tanks», however, creates a conceptual gap that causes serious limitations on the development of this field of study. Excessive generality or inflexibility in the use of the concept raises questions about the validity of the category. Either way, the «trade offs» of the conceptual choices have delineated a not very useful concept of «think tanks» to both inter-contextual and inter-or- ganizational comparability and to differentiate think thanks from overlapping organizations. The article revisits some of these dilemmas. To do so, the treatment in the specialized literature of the analytic category, highlighting both the insensitivity of the traditional North American approaches to different national contexts and its obsolescence to the changes in the context of «think tanks» action, including their own context of origin, is explained.The reasons of «conceptual stretching» and separation of the analytic category «think tanks» from the evolution of the phenomenon as a whole are investigated. In shedding light on promising conceptual contributions to the study of the phenomenon in its con- temporary features, the main contribution of the present article is specifying the contents and the proposal of definition of «think tanks» with the peculiarities of their functioning in different national contexts. ; У статті проаналізовано традиційні підходи до визначення поняття «мозкові центри». Досліджено причини концептуального розтягування та відокремлення аналітичної категорії «мозкові центри» від еволюції явища в цілому. Уточнено зміст та запропоновано визначення поняття «мозкові центри» з урахуванням особливостей їх функціонування в різних національних контекстах.

Баранов, В. І., & Івакін, В. Г. (2020). Поховальні комплекси зі зброєю могильника Острів (за матеріалами археологічних досліджень 2017-2019 рр.). Археологія і давня історія України, Випуск 2 (35), 300–320. https://doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2020.02.22 In 2017 the new burial ground on the right bank of Ros river between Puhachivka and Ostriv villages, in Rokytne district, Kyiv region was discovered. During 2017—2019 67 burials have been excavated there. Diverse and spectacular archaeological objects discovered during excavations — the spiral torques, crossbow ladder fibulae of type Bliujiene V, penannular brooches with rolled terminals, poppy-head terminals, funnel-shaped terminals, star-shaped terminals and widening terminals, bracelets with zoomorphic terminals, chains, temporal-rings and rings — all these grave goods are typical to Western Baltic tribes (Old Prussians, Curonians, Skalvians). The burial assemblages with weapons compose the notable number. Buried men were equipped with axes, spears, pila. As M. Plavinsky stated using of the pillum was the feature of Baltic military-technic tradition. In generall the weapons discovered in the Ostriv burial ground points to the prevalence of infantry in that community. This allows suggest that people buried in the Ostriv burial ground were the warriors of Ros defensive line. From historical point of view archaeological finds well illustrate and prove the chronicle evidences about activity of first Kyiv princes, first of all of Volodymyr the Great and Yaroslav the Wise, directed to the strengthening of the southern borders of Kyiv Rus. The lands of Ros basin historically were the border with steppe and the Ros river was a proper, natural defensive factor, the frontier between the world of settled farmers and steppe nomads. Kyiv princes traditionally placed here their military forces, defending the capital of Rus from nomadic charges. We believe that the Ostriv burial ground could be associated with the garrison of Stari Sukholisy hill-fort consisted of Western ...

In the article the are analyzed the safety aspects of the Russian-Ukrainian military and information conflict. There are offered the ways of its solving as well as the ways of the achieving peace in the Eastern part of the State. The attention is paid to the characteristics and evaluation of the military confrontation in Donbas as well as to the role of the Western countries in its overcoming.When the Ukrainian establishment and the Ukrainian nation realize their otherness, their self-sufficiency then the imperial pride of Russia will disappear. Unfortunately we still don't have a realistic, fundamental conception of the development of Ukraine as a State in accordance with the European sample. And a clear system of the state priorities, ideological values, main principles of the national ideology is not formed yet.Instead in the article 15 of the Constitution of Ukraine we can read as follows: «The social life in Ukraine is based on principles of the… ideological diversity. No one ideology can be recognized as a mandatory one by the State». Due to this almost on all of the levels of the state of the hierarchical ladder the outlines of the Ukrainian state building seem to be very indistinct. As an obstacle for the idea of the state building again arises an worldview uncertainty. Besides, there is a lack of the holistic system of the national landmarks.Without a clear Ukrainian, deeply patriotic ideology it is impossible to rally and combine the society in an only full-fledged organism, that would be able to give a proper military and informational repel to the enemy. Patriotism as a basis for the state ideology is a foundation of every state construction.Key words: war, conflict, information, international agreements, system, army, compro­mise, state, politics, ideology, patriotism. ; У статті проаналізовані безпекові аспекти російсько-українського воєнного та інформаційного конфлікту. Запропоновано шляхи його розв'язання та досягнення миру на сході країни. Приділено увагу характеристиці й оцінкам військового протистояння на Донбасі та ролі держав Заходу в його подоланні.Ключові слова: війна, конфлікт, інформація, міжнародні угоди, система, військо, компрміс, держава, політика, ідеологія, патріотизм.

Introduction. Serhiy Yefremov's preocupation with the state of the new Ukrainian literature, its development conditions and peculiarities of its history is studied in the article as a sort of "syndrom", which has predefined both the field of Serhiy Yefremov's scholarly work and the character of his research and critical work. Colonial state of the nation leads to an unquestionable conclusion that language and literature as the nation's only heritage and treasure become the ultimate measurement standard for everything. From this standpoint a matter of special interest is the destinies and work of writers that were tempted to leave their "native soil" and dedicated themselves to the literature of the metropoly. Purpose is to study the Syndrom of Colonial State in the works of Serhij Jefremov. Methods. The analytical and biographical methods are more or less realized in the article. Results. Specifically, in this regard Yefremov focuses on the figures of Volodymyr Korolenko and Mykola Gogol. In his works Yefremov approached the issue of the historical fate of Ukrainian literature and its situation in the Russian empire not only as a scholar, but also as a political publicist. This ladds to the unique author's style. Originality. In the article "Outlaw" Yefremov analyzes the status of the Ukrainian writer "been not only illegal but even outside the provisional rules on the press", fixes on the obvious, self-evident and more problematic, deep reasons of this position. Furthermore, Yefremov opens the law of the unitary ideology. The researcher put the question bluntly: who needs, who benefits by literature of the multimillion nation was in such poor and such profoundly abnormal situation. It's accented that the status of the Russian writer is much better. The whole point is in the imperial hierarchy and imperial psychology, deep-seated until the subconscious and then carefully cherished. Hopeless and unfavorable historical circumstances shaped the character of the Ukrainian literature. Moreover, they also formed the character and style of its famous researcher. "The history of the Ukrainian literature" as the fundamental work, a matter of his life and a main theme has been saturated with the exhausting struggle for the existence of this literature. Natives of Ukraine which became Russian writers are one on the most painful for Yefremov problems. He is interested with the historical backgrounds and personal-psychological peripeteias of this phenomenon, consequences and lessons. Conclusion. Seeking to understand the nature of this "catastrophe", this "psychological riddle" Yefremov looks for origins and causes and provides a retrospective assessment of the specific competition of 1860-1870th years between "Ukrainophilism" on the one side and the influence of "neighboring Great public life" on the other. Inferences of Yefremov may be unexpectedly interesting and useful for us nowadays.

The Russian minority as ethno-national factor in Ukrainian legal policy of national state formations of Pridneprovie of 1917–1921 – of two UPR – Central Council and the Hetman Ukrainian State and Directory – of the Ukrainian State is investigated.The thesis is substantiated that the number of Russians, their place in the ethnic structure of Ukrainian land as the second after the Ukrainian national group, and the most important thing - the developed Russian imperial tradition, were among the main factors underlying the beliefs of the Ukrainian political elite at the beginning of the liberation struggle on national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine as a part of a federal democratic Russia as the only possible form of realization of Ukrainian national statehood.The Russians within all Ukrainian provinces of the empire, last year before the collapse of the latter, numerically dominated among other non-Ukrainians (including the most numerous – Poles and Jews), although it was the second largest (after Ukrainian) national group. The Russian imperial government strongly supported ethnic Russians in alien ethnic regions. But imperial national policy provided the dominant political and legal status and high position on the social ladder. The imperial tradition prompted Russians to consider themselves the representatives of a monopoly, ruling, state nation with the relevant claims of the particular situation in the different spheres of public life.It is noted that in the revolutionary Ukraine the Russian ethno-national factor, due to the loss of the previous leading social and political significance of Russians became the creation of ethnic conflicts. This affected the nature, content and dynamics of Ukraine-Russia relations. Because many Russians considered themselves the actual representatives of Russian state interests, the Russian ethno-national factors largely determined the success of Ukrainian people in building its own national state.On the basis of the principal legal measures of the Ukrainian national state formations the research proved that their policy towards Russians and other minorities, despite the fact that depended on the «national» or «territorial» understanding of the state was reasonable and tolerant. And in this sense, it coincided with the European democratic tradition.It is observed that the Ukrainian national state formations of Pridneprovie of 1917–1921 were the first in modern times that faced the problem of regulating state-level relations with the Russians (and other national groups) as national minorities. As a result, the legal basis of free and comprehensive national development of Russian and other ethnic minorities were laid as well as the first real steps for their implementation were made. ; Досліджено російську меншину як етнонаціональний чинник у правовій політиці українських національних державних формацій Наддніпрянщини 1917–1921 років. Обґрунтовано тезу про те, що чисельність росіян, їх місце в етнічній структурі українських земель як другої після українців національної групи, а головне – розвинута російська імперська традиція, були серед головних чинників, що лежали в основі переконань україн­ської політичної еліти на початку визвольних змагань щодо національно-терито­ріальної автономії України у складі федеративної демократичної Росії як єдино можливої форми реалізації української національної державності. Наголошено на тому, що російський національний чинник у революційній Україні не лише впливав на природу, зміст та динаміку україно-російських відносин, але й великою мірою визначав успіх українців у розбудові власної національної державності. На підставі аналізу основних правових заходів українських національних державних формацій доведено, що їх політика щодо росіян та інших національних меншин була виваженою і толерантною, такою, що відповідала демократичній європейській традиції.

The article attempts to trace the effect of the Pareto elite circulation law on the example of the Kharkiv city elite in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The author investigates the involvement of the nobility and the merchants in the management of the city. According to the author's hypothesis, a significant transformation of the local elite took place in the cities of the Russian Empire, in particular in Kharkiv. Author notes that, unlike the previous period, the power of the merchant-top ceased to be a monopoly, there were groups of nobles and intellectuals, which created their confrontation, which in turn facilitated the exercise of mutual control. In the area of economic capital, merchants had an undisputed priority, they were an inherently more open social layer, and therefore easier to perceive innovation, which was one of the reasons that this condition united the core of the entrepreneurial class. An indicative change was the merchants' marriage strategies: if in the pre-reform period it was vital for them to obtain the title and corresponding status in society using kinship with nobles, then in the second half of the nineteenth century. The economic condition of the future family member comes to the fore. At the same time, the nobility was filling the ranks of the intelligentsia, occupying a prominent position in the cultural field, while the merchants, not being able to grasp this capital fully, remained an unprivileged layer in the social consciousness. The image of the illiterate, selfish, greedy merchant still lived in nonfiction and humorous press. However, there was an attempt by merchants to enter the cultural space of the nobility, following the norms of its everyday culture. Summarizing, the author notes that during the modernization of Kharkiv as a provincial industrial city, it became the main driver of the economic development of the province, which, in turn, reflected in a significant increase in the political and economic status of merchants as the top of the city social ladder. The gentry, which gradually settled in the cities, failed to adapt to the new conditions, and thus lost its status as a political and economic elite, at least in Kharkiv, which remained a merchant city mostly. ; У статті зроблено спробу простежити дію закону циркуляції еліт Парето на прикладі міської еліти Харкова у другій половині ХІХ – на початку ХХ ст. З цією метою досліджено участь дворянства та купецтва в управлінні містом. За авторською гіпотезою у цей час в містах Російської імперії, зокрема у Харкові, відбулася суттєва трансформація місцевої еліти. Зазначено, що на відміну від попереднього періоду влада купецької верхівки перестала бути монопольною, виникли угрупування дворян та інтелігенції, що створило їхнє протистояння, а це, у свою чергу, сприяло здійсненню взаємоконтролю. В галузі економічного капіталу купецтво посідало безперечну першість, воно за своєю сутністю було більш відкритим соціальним прошарком, а тому легше сприймало інновації, що стало однією із причин того, що саме цей стан згуртував ядро підприємницького класу. Показовою була зміна шлюбних стратегій купців: якщо в дореформений період для них важливим було отримати титул та відповідний статус у суспільстві за допомогою родичання з дворянами, то в другій половині ХІХ ст. на перший план виходить саме економічний стан майбутнього члена родини. В той самий час дворянство поповнювало ряди інтелігенції, посідаючи чільне місце у культурній галузі, тоді як купецтво, не зумівши повною мірою оволодіти цим капіталом, залишалось непривілейованим прошарком у соціальній свідомості. Образ малограмотного, зажерливого, жадібного купця все ще жив у публіцистичній літературі та гумористичній пресі. Проте спостерігалося намагання купецтва увійти до культурного простору дворянського стану, наслідуючи норми його повсякденної культури. Підсумовуючи автор зазначає, що у ході модернізації Харків як промислове губернське місто, став головним рушієм економічного розвитку губернії, що, в свою чергу, відбилося і на значному підвищенні політичного та економічного статусу купецтва як верхівки саме міської соціальної драбини. Дворянство, яке поступово осідало в містах, не встигло пристосуватися до нових умов, а отже втратило свій статус політично-економічної еліти, принаймні у Харкові, який залишався переважно купецьким містом.