The author draws our attention to the European unfamiliarity with American political thought. He also talks about Jefferson's natural law theory that he took over from Locke & adapted to American circumstances. The features of American political thought are outlined by means of comparing common law & rule of law with the concept of Rechtstaat. The author suggests that natural law & common law are a powerful determinant of the concept of republicanism that deeply influences American political thought. Adapted from the source document.
Austro-Ugarska Monarhija, stvorena austrijsko-mađarskim kompromisom 1867. godine, bila je i za ondašnje pravnike neobična pojava, koja se nije uklapala u onodobnu državnopravnu tipologiju "složenih država". Bio je to rezultat stalnih sukobljavanja između austrijskih političkih krugova, koji su težili što jačoj integraciji pod habsburškim žezlom sjedinjenih entiteta s jedne strane, a s druge mađarskih političkih krugova, koji su težili što većoj, a neki i potpunoj državnoj samostalnosti Ugarske. Kako Ugarska nije smogla snage osnovati svoju nacionalnu banku (a koja bi tiskala i vlastite novčanice), to je Austrijska nacionalna banka 1878. postala Austro-ugarska banka, te je kao zajednička središnja banka imala skrbiti o zajedničkoj valuti, najprije austrijskoj forinti, a zatim austro-ugarskoj kruni, te tiskati zajedničke novčanice. Što zbog političkih razmimoilaženja, što zbog državnopravnih nejasnoća, zajedničke austrougarske novčanice bile su predmet sporova jer su im obje strane pridavale veliko simbolično značenje, a i po reakcijama javnosti vidljivo je koliko je važno bilo ovo pitanje. Kako bi predmet rada bio što razumljiviji, u uvodu je objašnjena problematika državnopravne prirode austro-ugarske državne sveze, a zatim su analizirane novčanice po kronološkom redu njihova puštanja u optjecaj (tri novčanice austrijskih forinti te devetnaest austro-ugarskih kruna). Ondje gdje je to bio slučaj opisane su katkad i burne reakcije javnosti kao pokazatelj političkih sukoba, koji su se javljali u Monarhiji, kojom je dominirao austrijsko-mađarski dualizam. ; Created by the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was an unusual construct even for the lawyers of that time, and did not fit into the then state-law typology of "complex states". It was the result of constant confrontations between Austrian political circles, which wanted to increase the integration of entities unified under the Habsburg crown, on the one hand, and on the other of Hungarian political circles, which aspired to the maximum, even to the complete state independence of Hungary. As Hungary did not have the strength to found its own national bank (which would issue its own banknotes), in 1878 the Austrian National Bank became the Austro- Hungarian Bank, and as the common central bank it was in charge of and issued the common currency, first the Austrian forint, and then the Austro-Hungarian krone. Partly because of political differences, partly because of constitutional vagueness, the common Austro-Hungarian banknotes were a subject of disputes because both sides gave them a great symbolical importance, and the reactions of the public show how important this issue was.
There are prima facie reasons why political parties should be recognized as public law persons of the Croatian legal system: Political parties play a leading role in the creation & implementation of the state's will. Continental European legal systems distinguish between public & private law: the Croatian Constitution prescribes that political parties are associations with the features typical of public law persons. What requires analysis is the nature & consequences of the public law personality of political parties. Aristotle's theory of justice is still a useful starting point for distinguishing between public & private law, & between public & private law persons. The theory demonstrates that both the political community & the economic market presuppose standards of conduct that regulate interaction of their members. The standards include two essential types of legal acts, namely, statutes, which are fundamental acts of public law, & contracts, which are fundamental acts of private law. The dichotomy of legal acts implies virtually all the criteria that Roman & Continental lawyers have found important for distinguishing public & private law (source, bindingness, hierarchy, interest, subjects, etc). The division of a legal system into private & public law can be positivized in several ways. However, a liberal, democratic, & social legal system ought to meet the following principles, which guarantee the public law status of political parties: explicit recognition of the public law personality; justiciability; constitutionality; transparency; democracy; solidarity. The principles are followed by the Draft Bill on Political Parties, which was prepared by the Croatian Law Center in May 2002 & was adopted, with some changes, by the Committee on Constitution, Rules of Order, & Political System of the Croatian Parliament in July 2002. 90 References. Adapted from the source document.
The paper provides a detailed overview of the existing relationship between the just war theory & international law. It stresses the fact that the two concepts were historically incompatible. The just War theory falls within ethics & appeals to superior principles that were not in accordance with the positivist law theory & the concept of sovereignty upon which public international law was founded. That incompatibility may at first seem as a paradox since the two concepts should be derived from a common base: the idea of justice. Further development of international law has clearly proved that law cannot be separated from the idea of justice & that is, to some extent, closely linked to some elements of natural law. The author concludes that in the domain of the use of force contemporary international law provides a legal frame, which is in accordance with the precepts of the just war theory. References. Adapted from the source document.
Using the contemporary system theories, the author primarily points to the asymmetry of the constitutional law & the political processes it so rarely regulates. Then he goes on to analyze the historical process of separating the custom law, oral law & written law, of the court & the courtroom, the law & the constitution, the constitution & its interpretation, the constitution's interpretation, & the constitutional theory, & concludes his study with a description of the difference between constitution & democracy in the postmodern categorical optics. Adapted from the source document.
Zbog sužavanja opsega kaznenopravne zaštite časti i ugleda brisanjem kaznenog djela teškog sramoćenja, učinjenog u petoj noveli Kaznenog zakona potkraj 2019., došlo je do zamjetnih nelogičnosti. Ovo istraživanje preispituje razloge te legislativne intervencije kako bi se ocijenila njezina opravdanost. Zbog potrebnog opsega argumentacije, ova se analiza nadovezuje na prethodno objavljeni rad, odnosno istraživanje povijesnih, pozitivnopravnih i poredbenih argumenata. U ovom radu istražujemo konvencijske standarde i stajališta Europskog suda za ljudska prava u primjeni kaznenopravnog mehanizma na području zaštite časti i ugleda kroz dva konvencijska prava - slobodu izražavanja i pravo na privatan život. Ishod pokazuje da je predviđanje kaznenopravnoga mehanizma zaštite časti i ugleda u skladu s konvencijskim standardima te da, s obzirom na jednaku vrijednost oba prava, njihova kvalitetna zaštita zahtijeva uravnoteženo nacionalno rješenje. Ukazuje se da izazovi poštovanja načela razmjernosti podjednako leže i u području građanskog prava pri određivanju iznosa naknade štete. Sveukupno gledajući, prethodno objavljeni argumenti i ovi koje iznosimo sada pokazuju kako razlozi ukidanja teškog sramoćenja koji su bili dostupni javnosti, ne mogu biti dostatni argumenti za ovu legislativnu intervenciju. Stoga se pledira da pro futuro regulacija u ovom osjetljivom području ne bude vođena naglim kaznenopravnim rezovima bez pažljive stručne i argumentirane procjene i konsenzusa oko društvenih potreba. ; Due to the narrowing of the criminal law protection scope regarding honor and reputation, under the fifth amendment to the Criminal Code at the end of 2019, Severe Vilification was deleted which left noticeable illogicalities. Therefore, this research examines the reasons for this legislative intervention, to assess its justification. Due to the required scope of argumentation, this analysis builds on previously published work that has shown research on historical, positive, and comparative arguments. We are now exploring the ...
U svibnju 2013. godine ponovno je izmijenjen i dopunjen Pomorski zakonik Republike Hrvatske. Promjene su, među ostalima, i u dijelu o prijevozu putnika i njihove prtljage. Ovim izmjenama i dopunama vodilo se računa o usklađivanju s normama Europske unije. Posebno izdvajam zakonski tekst o obvezi primjene Uredbe 392/2009 Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća o odgovornosti prijevoznika u prijevozu putnika morem u slučaju nesreća. Time se Republika Hrvatska (a prije toga i ratifikacijom u veljači 2013.) obvezala primjenjivati Protokol, odnosno Atensku konvenciju iz 2002. o prijevozu putnika i njihove prtljage morem, uz intervenciju Međunarodne pomorske organizacije (IMO) u tekst Konvencije zbog visine odgovornosti, kako to vrijedi za cijelo područje EU-a. Prihvaćanjem spomenute Uredbe pruža se veća zaštita putniku jer se u međunarodnoj plovidbi i u nacionalnoj plovidbi brodovima klase A i B uvodi objektivna odgovornost za njegovu smrt ili tjelesnu ozljedu u slučaju pomorske nesreće. Na prijevoz putnika i prtljage u nacionalnoj plovidbi brodovima koji ne spadaju u klasu A i B primjenjuju se postojeće odredbe Pomorskog zakonika koje su se prije njegove izmjene zasnivale na Atenskoj konvenciji iz 1974. ( s protokolima), a to znači i daljnja primjena pretpostavljene krivnje. ; Maritime Law of the Republic of Croatia was changed and amended in May, 2013. Changes are, among other things, related to carriage of passengers and their luggage. These changes and amendments served for harmonization with European Union norms. I specially point out the legal text about the obligation of applying Regulation No 392/2009 of the European Parliament and of the Council on the liability of carriers of passengers by sea in the event of accidents. With that the Republic of Croatia (and before that with ratification in February 2013) committed itself to applying Protocol or Athens Convention from 2002 relating to the carriage of passengers and their luggage by sea, with intervening of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) in the text of the Convention due to the level of responsibility, as it is valid for the entire EU area. Adopting the mentioned Convention offers better protection to passengers because during the international and national carriage by A and B class ships objective responsibility for his death or bodily harm in the event of accident is introduced. The existing regulations of the Maritime Law, which were based on the Athens Convention from 1974 (with protocols) before its change, are used for the national carriage of passengers and luggage by ships which are not class A or B and that means further applying of presumed guilt.
The author looks into the meaning of law in Kant's practical philosophy for the constitution of a political community. First, he defines the specific character of modern knowledge by referring to Heidegger & Fink & how this knowledge is reflected in Kant's philosophy of morality & law. Then he goes on to define the external legislation & list its applications. After the author has defined Kant's concept of law, he shows how freedom & its security -- not happiness, well-being, or interest -- are central to Kant's political philosophy. Freedom becomes the foundation of all activities & laws, & freedom can only be based on law & not morality. Thus, individual freedom is possible solely within a law-abiding community. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks at a book with the promising title Law and Revolution, particularly, promising to those prone to think about law strategically. Starting from the main points of the book & of some interpretations of legal history that qualify these points, the author then demonstrates how negligible appear to be the possibilities of strategic action in the renewal & development of Croatian law. Adapted from the source document.
How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocks of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modem (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modem social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modem social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part) law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action-guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within the limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. Adapted from the source document.
How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocs of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modern (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modern social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modern social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part), law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach, which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. Adapted from the source document.
In the second part of the text the author looks into the paradox of the concept of justice as discerned by Jacques Derrida, & analyzes the tradition of the European constitutional law. Since the constitution & politics are discordant & semantically irritating mediums, the author argues that the European Union is an open semantic relationship of legal acquisitions & political processes. The European Union should be explained by means of contemporary, postmodernist theories derived from the linguistic & deconstructivist reversals of the modern substantial rationalism, universalism & cosmopolitism. Consequently, the constitution & the law are not underpinned by the political or any other specific power; on the contrary, it is the unspecific power of the constitution & the law that enables the gradual development & strengthening of the European law & the constitution without the extra constitutional authorities as the disguised power that traditionally legitimizes law. References. Adapted from the source document.
Europska konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava kao temeljni instrument Vijeća Europe za zaštitu građanskih i političkih prava ne jamči pravo na zdravstvenu zaštitu. Međutim, Europski sud za ljudska prava široko tumači Konvencijska prava te je unutar konteksta čl. 2., 3. i 8. Konvencije dao određene naznake da bi se mogao početi baviti i pitanjem zdravstvene zaštite. Bez ulaženja u detalje svih spomenutih članaka, u ovom radu bit će analizirani predmeti u kojima se Sud bavio pitanjem povrede čl. 3. zbog nepružanja zdravstvene skrbi i to izvan konteksta zadržavanja. Naime, unutar konteksta zadržavanja postoji jasna obveza državama na pružanje zdravstvene skrbi koju je Sud utvrdio djelomično se oslanjajući i na izvješća i Odbora za sprječavanje mučenja, neljudskog i ponižavajućeg ponašanja. Ono što smatramo značajnim istaknuti jest praksa Suda u odnosu na pružanje zdravstvene skrbi izvan konteksta zadržavanja, s obzirom na socijalni karakter prava na zdravstvenu zaštitu koji izlazi iz okvira građansko-političkog karaktera Konvencije. ; The European Convention on Human Rights, as a main Council of Europe instrument for the protection of civil and political rights, does not guarantee the right to health care. However, the European Court of Human Rights broadly interprets Convention rights, and within the context of Articles 2, 3 and 8 of the Convention it gave certain indications that it might start dealing with the issue of health care. Without going into details of all the mentioned articles, this paper will analyse cases where the Court dealt with the issue of violation of Article 3 due to non-provision of health care outside the context of detention. Namely, within the context of detention, there is a clear obligation for states to provide health care, and the Court often relies on the reports of the Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. What we consider important to point out is the Court's case-law on providing health care outside the context of detention, ...
The author looks into the position of the Constitutional Court in the light of the proposed Constitutional Law on amendments & modifications of the Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court that would change some powers of the Constitutional Court. A short historical review shows that the Croatian people belong to the European civilizational setting, as evidenced by numerous documents & statutes that have regulated the rule of law in Croatia. According to the Croatian Constitution, the Constitutional Court is assigned a special place outside the system of the division of power into the legislative, the executive, & the judiciary; it is a special constitutional category that cannot be under the scrutiny of law since it scrutinizes laws. The author goes on to enumerate the changes in the jurisdiction & the operation of the Court envisaged in this new proposal of the Constitutional Law. The author concludes that constitutional courts are the very core of Western democracy & that they protect constitutions as a constantly developing living form. 59 References. Adapted from the source document.
In the introductory part of the essay, the author looks into the connection between the establishment & attributes of the so-called state of law & the legal system of continental Europe. This is followed by his summary of the origins of the idea of the state of law & its historical setting. In the middle part of the essay the author offers a list of values, value principles & the premises of the so-called state of law with the corresponding conclusions about a marked, multilevel/multiple restricted meaning & scope of the (mostly) dogmatic, formal/legal principles of the so-called state of law. The author concludes the essay with a rough appraisal of the condition of the so-called state of art in the Republic of Croatia. 51 References. Adapted from the source document.
