The concept of femicide in Latin America was developed by the ethnologist and anthropologist Marcela Lagarde, specifically for the case of women murdered in Ciudad Juarez (Mexico). The term has spread to other countries and in Colombia it was built into the reform to the Penal Code (Act 1257 of 2008) in this law is to protect women in such circumstances, this paper intends to make a sketch and a made known this as fact.
This paper intends to cover some views (not all), with regard to Reason of the Unreason of law. Yes, so to speak, can or could think of a reason for the law,why not much more, in an "unreasonable" or rather how many additional "unreasonable" the same.
The purpose of the research was to study the sufficien and necessary conditions for applying the principles of law in the processes of law making and execution. In the main content it has been established that the principles of law should be understood as universal, fundamental, basic provisions and ideas reflectingdeep foundations of human existence, general relations formed by the participants of legal realities as a result of their social interaction and as the basis for legal development. The following methods were used in the research: analysis of biographical sources, synthesis, deduction, comparative analysis and meta-analysis, etc. In the conclusions of the case it has been shown that consistent adherence to legal principles by legislative and law enforcement bodies will create an atmosphere of predictability and stability of legislation in society. Finally, the principles enshrined in the Constitution and codes of Ukraine should become a prerequisite for modern Ukrainian society to implement a humanistic concept of personality, education of legal subjects, an effective norm on a par with other norms regulating specific relationships, and should not remain only a statement.
Quelque part entre les pervers pépères, le culte de la culture populaire, les images sensationnalistes des médias et la politique canadienne en matière d'immigration, la danseuse nue roumaine est devenue une sorte d'archétype. Attrayante, sensuelle, avec son accent étranger excitant et sa peau blanche, elle est la parfaite danseuse exotique. Les danseuses nues représentent le genre, la sensualité ou la sexualité, l'émotion et souvent, l'ethnicité. L'ethnicité peut avoir un cachet dans l'industrie du sexe, et comme le genre, les travailleuses usent consciemment de leur ethnicité pour tirer profit de ce cachet. Les danseuses nues roumaines sont bien placées pour ce faire, car elles sont, au contraire des femmes de couleur, « différentes », mais pas trop. En conséquence, la préférence des clients et de la direction des clubs pour les danseuses roumaines a entraîné la création d'un archétype et la fabrication d'une pénurie de danseuses nues pour répondre à cette demande préférentielle. À l'aide d'une analyse interdépendante de la race, du genre, de l'ethnicité, de la stigmatisation et de la classe, l'auteure explore le discours sur « l'altérité acceptable » implicite dans le traitement et la perception des danseuses nues roumaines par les clients et les directeurs de clubs et le gouvernement canadien, ainsi que par le public.
Las familias han sido y son un tema de debate en la criminología y la sociología del delito en lo relativo a su influencia directa y/o indirecta en las infracciones que cometen los adolescentes. El presente artículo se inserta en este debate analizando historias familiares de adolescentes en conflicto con la ley en la Ciudad de México. El objetivo no es culpabilizar ni mostrar la cuota de responsabilidad familiar en los ilícitos, sino dar cuenta del contexto familiar que hace posible el "proceso de orillamiento" de los adolescentes a tener una mayor exposición al riesgo de cometer una infracción. El artículo busca dar cuenta de la incidencia de la familia en la infracción de los adolescentes y realizar una crítica al proceso judicial en lo referente a la activación de la paradoja de la familia como origen y destino.
In the present article, my aim is to study some of the political treaties of Bartolus of Sassoferrato, from the perspective of the idea of consent in the Middle Ages. Although the concept is not explicitly mentioned in the three political treaties which I have examined so far (Tractatus de Guelphis et Gebellinis, Tractatus de regimine civitatis and Tractatus de tyranno), Bartolus mentions within his juridical writings the notion of tacit consent, expressed as tacita voluntas populi. Starting with the Tractatus de Guelphis et Gebellinis, Bartolus seems to be interested in the classification of political regimes, with the goal of identifying the best regime. The opposite of the best regime would be the regime of tyranny, which never pursues the common good of the citizens. The discrete intervention of the principle of consent in the political treaties of Bartolus takes place with the question regarding the necessity of a general consent for the elimination of the tyrant. Legitimating thus any attempt of installing a better political regime, Bartolus proves to be as prudent as Thomas Aquinas when the Italian jurist avoids, in the Tractatus de Guelphis et Gebellinis, to give a definite answer to the question of reversing a tyrannical regime. The hesitative answer of Bartolus concerning tyranny in this treaty does not diminish the role of will, when it comes to change the meaning of the notion of affectio for a citizen. My research has put forward the fact that the most significant situation, both from the juridical and the political point of view, is that of the tyrant ex defectu tituli. In times of tyranny, all contracts are null because no one has the capacity to decide what is just. The tyrant ex defectu tituli can no longer legitimate his power, although he may subsequently govern, by respecting the will of the citizens. Far from assigning a marginal role to the idea of consent, Bartolus transforms it into the fundamental principle of his favorite regime, which is the incarnation of the popular sovereign will itself: regimen ad populum.
Résumé En 1934, après l'élection de Roosevelt, qui veut, grâce au New Deal, remédier aux effets de la Grande Dépression, J. R. Commons publie Institutional Economics, Its Place in Political Economy . Roosevelt fait voter par le Congrès des lois qui permettent l'intervention directe du gouvernement dans les affaires économiques. Commons propose de mettre fin aux conflits et aux excès du capitalisme en faisant intervenir le pouvoir judiciaire, et, in fine, la Cour Suprême des États-Unis. Pour cela il attribue à celle-ci la Souveraineté dite judiciaire, alors que la Souveraineté, selon la Constitution fédérale de 1787, appartient au peuple américain. Les jugements de ces cours devraient établir un capitalisme raisonnable. En analysant différents arrêts des Cours de justice, il apparaît surtout que les jugements reflètent les opinions courantes de la société (ainsi lorsqu'ils instaurent la discrimination raciale et sexiste) et que, par le biais du recours aux Précédents, ils persistent à défendre des valeurs devenues obsolètes. Ainsi lorsque la Cour invalide les lois du New Deal en défendant la liberté économique, alors que la société américaine a élu et réélu Roosevelt, qui est un, partisan de l'interventionnisme. Commons explique le fonctionnement de la Common Law aux États-Unis, à travers l'usage qu'en font les juristes qui élaborent une jurisprudence adaptée aux nouveaux États. L'auteur donne à cette occasion une vision juste de la "Common Law Method of Making Law by Deciding Disputes".
From the philosophical perspective article deals with the correlation between law and consciousness. To address the issue, ideas from renowned thinkers are used. It specifically describes the experience of addressing the subject in Russian philosophy from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth century. The article shows the reasons for preferring law or consciousness in different periods of history and demonstrates the rational nature of law and the irrational nature of consciousness, indicating that law and consciousness are not mutually exclusive. It concludes with an attempt to combine the two concepts in activities of people who must enforce legal norms. Using the experience of Russian philosophy, which regards the law as a moral minimum, people are advised to govern their actions not only by legal rules, but by listening to the voice of their conscience. The authors suggest understanding conscience as a spiritual and moral human law that makes it possible to make decisions without being forced or motivated from the outside, governed by the internal realization of good and evil and identifying the veracity, justice, and rectitude of an act.
