Suchergebnisse

Ce travail constitue un essai de réflexion critico-épistémologique sur la façon dont la criminologie a envisagé, traité et discuté la notion de crime.
Dans un premier moment, on précise les paramètres théorico- méthodologiques dans lesquels le débat traditionnel sur le crime s'enferme. On constate que l'antinomie kantienne entre le fait et la valeur y est consacrée : le criminologie se place dans le domaine du fait (Sein) et flotte entre un positivisme et/ou formalisme juridique et un positivisme et /ou formalisme sociologique (des théories du consensus social). Dans un dernier moment, les options et dilemmes du criminologue sont illustrés par le débat sur la notion de crime ayant pris place lors du Ile Congrès International de Criminologie (Paris, 1950), bien que d'autres textes aient été utlisés à l'appui. L'intérêt de ce Congrès tient surtout au fait qu'il permet de bien visualiser les contradictions inhérentes au débat traditionnel et l'attitude fondamentale du criminologue vis-à-vis de son objet d'étude.

Le crime, tel que ce terme est entendu de nos jours, revêtit son entière signification à une époque donnée dans une société donnée. L'idée de crime comme phénomène social général fit son apparition en Angleterre vers la fin du dix-huitième siècle. Cet article étudie la genèse du crime en tant que concept, mettant en contraste la notion changeante de crime au dix-huitième siècle avec celle du vingtième.

Front Cover; Crime; Copyright Page; Table of Contents; FOREWORD; MEMBERSHIP OF THE JOINT STEERING COMMITTEE; INTRODUCTION; 26: CRIME; ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE TEXT; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS; CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION; 1.1 INTRODUCTION; 1.2 PUBLICATIONS; 1.3 SOURCES OF STATISTICS; 1.4 AREAL STATISTICS; 1.5 HISTORICAL CHANGES; 1.6 INTERPRETATION; CHAPTER 2. THE BASIS OF CRIMINAL STATISTICS; 2.1 INTRODUCTION; 2.2 UNRECORDED CRIME; 2.3 CRIMINAL PROCEDURE IN ENGLAND AND WALES; 2.4 CLASSIFICATION OF OFFENCES IN ENGLAND AND WALES; 2.5 CRIMINAL PROCEDURE IN NORTHERN IRELAND

Trois propositions fondamentales qui traduisent les impressions populaires sur le crime et ses chatiments sont mises a l'epreuve dans une analyse regressive a l'aide des moindres carres. Voici les resultats obtenus: (a) le taux general de criminalite n'a pas augmente durant les annees 1950‐66 si on met de cote les infractions mineures; (b) durant la meme periode les jugements ne furent pas moins severes et les disparites dans les sentences ne se sont pas amenuisees; (c) 1'augmentation du taux des offenses mineures est directement associee a l'accroissement de la force policiere. On cherche a expliquer pourquoi les croyances populaires persistent meme si elles sont refutees par les faits.Three propositions which express the conventional wisdom about crime and punishment are tested with least squares regression analysis. The results are that the over‐all crime rate has not increased between 1950 and 1966 (except for trivial infractions); sentences have not become more lenient, nor have disparities in sentencing decreased throughout the same period. Increases in the rates for the less serious offences are positively correlated with increases in the size of the police force. Reasons for the persistence of belief in the conventional wisdom in the face of contradictory evidence are offered.

By way of introduction, I would like to quote the Vienna Declaration adopted by the World Conference on Human Rights on 25 June 1993: The human rights of women [ ... ] are an inalienable, integral and indivisible part of universal human rights. The full and equal participation of women in political, civil , economic, social and cultural life, at the national, regional and international levels, and the eradication of all forms of discrimination on grounds of sex are priority objectives of the international community' .

The lack of adequate statistical compilations in the United States makes it very difficult to assess trends in aggressive crime or other types of criminal offenses. An ex amination of the Uniform Crime Report data for the past seventeen years indicates much lower increases in aggressive crime rates than in property-crime rates. At the same time there was no increase in the murder rates. California statistical data show similar differences between the crimes of personal violence and property crimes, the former ris ing at a much slower rate than the latter. The fact that there is no breakdown of general-offense groupings which will disclose the degrees of seriousness within the offenses reported is a grave handicap toward assessing the real crime situation. It is suggested that a good part of the rise in crime rates may be the result of the increased reporting of offenses at the lower end of the serious scale in all types of criminal offenses. The fact that murder rates had not increased further supports this hypothesis. Until there is developed a complete information system of criminal justice within each state which will ac curately account for and describe offenses, offenders, each step in the process of the administration of justice, and the areas of correctional treatment, there will never be available the needed basis for determining with any degree of exactness what are the real trends in the various kinds of criminal offenses.