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Hans J. Morgenthau, utemeljitelj realističke teorije međunarodne politike četrdesetih godina 20. stoljeća, donedavno se smatrao pozitivističkim teoretičarom "tvrde" politike moći u međunarodnoj politici. No sve veći akademski interes za njegovo djelo posljednjih godina pokazao je kako je riječ o kompleksnom misliocu koji je ponajprije teoretičar politike. U ovome rada autor prikazuje Morgenthauovu političku teoriju i njezine temeljne pojmove u trima razdobljima njihova razvoja: do Drugoga svjetskog rata, od kraja rata do šezdesetih godina i poslije šezdesetih. Posebno se osvrćući na glavne studije iz svakoga od tih razdoblja, autor nastoji dokazati da je svrha Morgenthauove teorije međunarodne politike bio pokušaj da se politika i političko konstituiraju kao odgovor na duboku društvenu i političku krizu modernog Zapada. Njegova realistička teorija međunarodne politike nije samo akademski pothvat nego i svojevrstan politički projekt. ; Hans J. Morgenthau, who founded realist theory of international politics in the 1940s, has until recently been considered a positivist theorist of crude power politics in international relations. However, in recent years, with rising academic interest for his works, Morgenthau has been seen as a complex thinker and primarily a political theorist. This article aims to show Morgenthau's political theory and its fundamental concepts that run through the three periods of his writing: up to the Second World War, during the post-war period, and in the 1960s. With a special overview of the pivotal studies from each of the above periods, this article will show that the purpose of Morgenthau's theory of international politics is an attempt at constructing politics and the political as an answer to the deep social and political crisis of the modern West. His realist theory of international politics is not just an academic endeavor but also a political project of sorts.

Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.

The School Leaders Attitude Towards Democratic Values One of the main problem of modern education – the school's democratization. The chiefs of the schools are important prompters of democratic process in schools, and their attitudes to democratic valuables have decisive influence for these valuables reclamation for all school's society. Sustaining experiential research materials, we can state, that the directors lack of theory knowledge about the democracy, they rarely visit seminars, in which there are ventilating democratic problems, they speak a little about democratic valuables and necessity to guide by them in ordinary life. The rare director has full democratical working school's vision. Showed up little differences between age groups and the place. The eldest (51-60 years) chiefs more acctive reach to liquidate theory gaps. The region's schoolmasters propagate more collaboration with mid institutional collaboration and cities' schoolmasters orient to school's inside life. Despite particular gaps, nevertheless we can state that the schoolmasters keep possitive attitudes to democratic valuables , because many of them know democratic valuables, collaborate wiht outside institutions, there is real autonomy in the schools, the teachers have enough liberty for self-expression , there is a good comunicational atmosphere and own schoolmasters think that leading by democratic valuables infuse inside pleasure.Therefore the process of democratization has evidence for successful activity. If we want to develop the director's attitudes it is necessary to look for their consolidation ways': so it is and the seminars development and the support of higher institutions, and all school's society active involvement in the democratic process.

The School Leaders Attitude Towards Democratic Values One of the main problem of modern education – the school's democratization. The chiefs of the schools are important prompters of democratic process in schools, and their attitudes to democratic valuables have decisive influence for these valuables reclamation for all school's society. Sustaining experiential research materials, we can state, that the directors lack of theory knowledge about the democracy, they rarely visit seminars, in which there are ventilating democratic problems, they speak a little about democratic valuables and necessity to guide by them in ordinary life. The rare director has full democratical working school's vision. Showed up little differences between age groups and the place. The eldest (51-60 years) chiefs more acctive reach to liquidate theory gaps. The region's schoolmasters propagate more collaboration with mid institutional collaboration and cities' schoolmasters orient to school's inside life. Despite particular gaps, nevertheless we can state that the schoolmasters keep possitive attitudes to democratic valuables , because many of them know democratic valuables, collaborate wiht outside institutions, there is real autonomy in the schools, the teachers have enough liberty for self-expression , there is a good comunicational atmosphere and own schoolmasters think that leading by democratic valuables infuse inside pleasure.Therefore the process of democratization has evidence for successful activity. If we want to develop the director's attitudes it is necessary to look for their consolidation ways': so it is and the seminars development and the support of higher institutions, and all school's society active involvement in the democratic process.

Realism has been the dominant international relations theory for nearly seven decades focusing almost exclusively on power politics among states, but throughout these years the mankind has passed major technological, societal and economic transitions that also had their impact on the political sphere, including international politics. In public discourse these transitions are usually associatied with the terms "information society" or "global information revolution", whereas political scientists from their part started to use such concepts as "informational (or soft) power", "information warfare", or "information security", refering to a qualitative change in the nature of these traditional variables in political analysis. This article focuses on power, the main variable in the (neo)realist perspective, thus revising the relevance of the theory itself in the context of the information revolution of the 21st century. Although national power resources and consequently international power politics have recently been transforming and taking new forms, mostly involving soft power instruments and the modernization of national economies and militaries, the fundamental (neo)realist assumptions about the competitive nature of international politics are still valid in the information age.

Realism has been the dominant international relations theory for nearly seven decades focusing almost exclusively on power politics among states, but throughout these years the mankind has passed major technological, societal and economic transitions that also had their impact on the political sphere, including international politics. In public discourse these transitions are usually associatied with the terms "information society" or "global information revolution", whereas political scientists from their part started to use such concepts as "informational (or soft) power", "information warfare", or "information security", refering to a qualitative change in the nature of these traditional variables in political analysis. This article focuses on power, the main variable in the (neo)realist perspective, thus revising the relevance of the theory itself in the context of the information revolution of the 21st century. Although national power resources and consequently international power politics have recently been transforming and taking new forms, mostly involving soft power instruments and the modernization of national economies and militaries, the fundamental (neo)realist assumptions about the competitive nature of international politics are still valid in the information age.

Realism has been the dominant international relations theory for nearly seven decades focusing almost exclusively on power politics among states, but throughout these years the mankind has passed major technological, societal and economic transitions that also had their impact on the political sphere, including international politics. In public discourse these transitions are usually associatied with the terms "information society" or "global information revolution", whereas political scientists from their part started to use such concepts as "informational (or soft) power", "information warfare", or "information security", refering to a qualitative change in the nature of these traditional variables in political analysis. This article focuses on power, the main variable in the (neo)realist perspective, thus revising the relevance of the theory itself in the context of the information revolution of the 21st century. Although national power resources and consequently international power politics have recently been transforming and taking new forms, mostly involving soft power instruments and the modernization of national economies and militaries, the fundamental (neo)realist assumptions about the competitive nature of international politics are still valid in the information age.