Search results

У статті проаналізовано формування екологічної політики в контексті міжнародного досвіду. Зроблено висновок, що екологічна політика виражає інтереси переважної більшості населення, є основою та неодмінним каталізатором подальшого суспільного розвитку і має на меті не тільки охорону навколишнього середовища, раціональне використання природних ресурсів та забезпечення екологічної безпеки, а й збереження та розвиток соціосфери, що гарантує нормальну життєдіяльність людини. Сучасна державна екологічна політика спрямована на запобігання можливих криз, а також на подолання криз уже наявних, тому для вдосконалення механізму державного управління в сфері охорони навколишнього природного середовища на шляху до міжнародної інтеграції у світову спільноту доцільно звернути увагу на досвід провідних країн світу в цій сфері, особливо країн – членів ЄС. ; In the article the analysis of forming of ecological politics is carried out in the context of international experience. The end of XX of century was marked realization of mutual responsibility of the states for the state of environment. Became the norm of international commonunication collaboration in industries of decision of ecological problems, mutual consultations and exchange information. A primary objective is making of the system of world ecological safety. Therefore One of fundamental factors of modernisation of political activity in the modern world, indisputably, ecological. Ecology and politics to recent time were spheres absolutely indifferent in relation to each other. Modern politics it is impossible to imagine without an ecological component. New direction of political activity appears – ecological politics. Drawn conclusion, that ecological politics expresses interests of swingeing majority of population. it is basis and necessary catalyst of further community development, has for an object not only guard of environment, rational use of natural resources and providing of ecological safety but also maintenance and development of sphere of соціо, that guarantees the normal vital functions of man. A modern public ecological policy is sent to prevention of possible crises, and also on overcoming already of existing, that is why for perfection of existent mechanism of state administration in the sphere of guard of natural environment on a way to international integration in world community it is expedient to pay attention to experience of leading countries of the world in the field of it, especially countries – members EU.

A review symposium on a book by Richard J. Samuels, Machiavelli's Children. Leaders and Their Legacies in Italy and Japan (Ithaca & London: Cornell U Press, 2003), with contributions from Michele Salvati, Mauro Calise, & Leonardo Morlina & a reply by author Samuels. The book offers a detailed comparison between Italy & Japan from the Union of Italy & the Meiji Restoration to present days. One hundred fifty years of parallel history reveal that the two countries had similar nation- & state-building experiences. In the 19th Century both countries were forced to fill the economical gap separating them from more developed countries. They also struggled to maintain the general consensus during times of intense structural development that required strenuous sacrifices from their population. In both cases such consensus was never achieved through real democratic participation, until their defeat in WWII. The comparison also shows the deep differences between the pre-fascist, liberal Italian state & the Japanese totalitarian regime. However, after WWII, similarities increase again, especially after the American occupation & its commitment to export democracy. M. Williamson

The article is dedicated to studying of the social nature peculiarities of the new social entity that emerged due to the implementation of the decentralization reform in Ukraine – the united territorial communities (UTC). On the level of sociological theorizing, the authors substantiate the relevance of the «sociological positioning» of the united territorial communities as a new social institution, a new social entity and a new sociocultural form. Based on the results of sociological research with the qualitative methods, the authors distinguish three dimensions / levels of social subjectiveness of the leaders of the united territorial communities as the main representatives of community management – institutional, civic and problem-oriented. Having value and activity-based nature, each of the dimensions of social subjectiveness identified by the researchers finds its manifestation at the dispositional and actualized levels. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of factors that, due to researchers' beliefs, have influenced on the formation of certain dimensions / levels of subjectiveness of UTC leaders – a voluntary (not administrative) way of community association, new financial opportunities and a direct state-community interaction model. It is emphasized that the united territorial community is simultaneously directly embedded in the system of direct social interactions at different levels of social – from interaction with the state (Ministries) at the macro level, construction of practices at the level of interaction with different social groups (businessmen, farmers, state employees, etc.) at the mesolevel before reaching the micro-level of individual interaction within the community itself. Analyzing the results of this study, the researchers conclude that the decentralization reform has contributed to the internal consolidation of local communities at the level of united territorial communities, the intensification of social interaction between different subjects of the UTC, the formation of new sociocultural forms. The analysis of the dimensions / levels of social subjectiveness of the UTC leaders makes it possible to conclude the positioning of the united territorial communities as effective subjects implementation of other reforms in Ukraine at the regional level.

La tesi si propone di indagare il tema della rivalità politica tra Cleone e Nicia, così come presentato all'interno del capitolo XXVIII della Costituzione degli Ateniesi di Aristotele. Tale tema è studiato principalmente secondo una prospettiva storiografica, attraverso l'analisi delle diverse fonti che prendono in considerazione la vicenda dei due leader. Dopo un'analisi dettagliata della testimonianza di Aristotele, si propone un esame delle fonti contemporanee, delle fonti di quarto e terzo secolo e infine del bios plutarcheo dedicato a Nicia. L'analisi ha messo in evidenza come la genesi dell'opposizione Nicia/Cleone non sia tanto riconducibile alle fonti del quinto secolo, che pur offrono parecchio materiale su cui riflettere, ma sia piuttosto da riportare alla riflessione di quarto. ; The thesis aims to examine the issue of political rivalry between Cleon and Nicias as presented in chapter XXVIII of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia. This topic is considered primarily from a historiographical perspective, through the analysis of the various sources dealing with the story of the two leaders. After a detailed study of the Aristotelian evidence, the thesis offers an examination of contemporary sources, of authors from 4th and 3rd centuries BC, and finally of Plutarch's Life of Nikias. The analysis shows that the origin of the opposition between Nicias and Cleon should not be identified in 5th century sources, which nevertheless preserve some interesting and telling details, but it should be attributed to 4th century political reflection.

The present article is devoted to the problem of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. It investigates the place of identity politics in the processes of its conflict management. It is concluded that identity politics is one of the main factors in the conflict, which hinders its resolution and is not taken into account by the states parties of the negotiation process. This factor is expressed in nationalist rhetoric, which, in general, appeals to the people's emotions of both conflicting parties and disputed territories. The rhetoric is based on the interpretation of historical events and phenomena, as well as cultural features. This situation makes the conflict «irrational», minimizing the possibility of using the tools of diplomacy, eliminating the possibility of compromise and increasing the possibility of military confrontation. Awareness of the unambiguous positions of the parties to the conflict, their reluctance to seek compromise solutions acts as a «key» to solving this problem. It requires a change in approach to the settlement process. The author proposes an approach within which the existing problems and the status quo are rethought in the categories of «past-future» as opposed to the existing logic of «friend-enemy». In practice, this approach can be implemented by gradually rethinking the imperatives of thinking of political elites, which contain a conflict component and, in the long run, changing the way of thinking of political elites. This process should be provided by representatives of civil society and business because of their direct effect on the public opinion and general rhetoric about the problem. This approach can help to integrate a «rational component» in resolving this conflict. Increasing the influence of external players on the development of these areas (primarily by financing joint Armenian-Azerbaijani scientific, cultural, business, infrastructure, etc. projects) in the long run may change those components of national identities of conflicting parties that generate aggressive rhetoric. ...

The present article is devoted to the problem of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. It investigates the place of identity politics in the processes of its conflict management. It is concluded that identity politics is one of the main factors in the conflict, which hinders its resolution and is not taken into account by the states parties of the negotiation process. This factor is expressed in nationalist rhetoric, which, in general, appeals to the people's emotions of both conflicting parties and disputed territories. The rhetoric is based on the interpretation of historical events and phenomena, as well as cultural features. This situation makes the conflict «irrational», minimizing the possibility of using the tools of diplomacy, eliminating the possibility of compromise and increasing the possibility of military confrontation. Awareness of the unambiguous positions of the parties to the conflict, their reluctance to seek compromise solutions acts as a «key» to solving this problem. It requires a change in approach to the settlement process. The author proposes an approach within which the existing problems and the status quo are rethought in the categories of «past-future» as opposed to the existing logic of «friend-enemy». In practice, this approach can be implemented by gradually rethinking the imperatives of thinking of political elites, which contain a conflict component and, in the long run, changing the way of thinking of political elites. This process should be provided by representatives of civil society and business because of their direct effect on the public opinion and general rhetoric about the problem. This approach can help to integrate a «rational component» in resolving this conflict. Increasing the influence of external players on the development of these areas (primarily by financing joint Armenian-Azerbaijani scientific, cultural, business, infrastructure, etc. projects) in the long run may change those components of national identities of conflicting parties that generate aggressive rhetoric. It is important to note that the concerted actions of the OSCE Minsk Group should be the driving force behind these changes. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу кейсу конфлікту в Нагірному Карабаху і досліджує місце політики ідентичності в процесах його конфліктного менеджменту. В результаті дослідження було зроблено висновок про те, що саме політика ідентичності виступає у якості одного з базових чинників конфлікту, що досліджується, який заважає його врегулюванню і який не враховується державами-учасницями переговорного процесу. Даний чинник виражається у націоналістичній риториці, яка, в цілому, апелює до емоційного стану населення як конфліктуючих держав так і спірних територій, розбудовуючи власну риторику спираючись на трактування історичний подій та явищ, а також культурних особливостей. Ця ситуація робить конфлікт «ірраціональним», мінімізуючи можливості застосування інструментів дипломатії, виключаючи можливість компромісів та підсилюючи вірогідність військового протистояння. Усвідомлення однозначності позицій сторін конфлікту, їх несхильність до пошуку компромісних рішень виступає у якості «ключа» до вирішення даної проблеми, оскільки потребує зміни підходу до процесу врегулювання. Автором пропонується підхід в межах якого існуючі проблеми та статус-кво переосмислюються в категоріях «минуле-майбутнє» на противагу існуючій логіці «друг-ворог». На практиці даний підхід може бути реалізований шляхом поетапного переосмислення імперативів мислення політичних еліт, які містять конфліктогенну складову і, в довгостроковій перспективі, зміни образу мислення політичних еліт. Даний процес повинен бути забезпечений представниками громадянського суспільства та представниками бізнесу, оскільки перші безпосередньо впливають на формування громадської думки та загальної риторики стосовно проблеми, а другі можуть інтегрувати «раціональну складову» у вирішення даного конфлікту. Підсилення впливу зовнішніх гравців на розвиток даних напрямків (в першу чергу шляхом фінансування спільних вірмено-азербайджанських наукових, культурних, бізнесових, інфраструктурних тощо проєктів) у довгостроковій перспективі може призвести до зміни тих складових національних ідентичностей конфліктуючих сторін, які породжують агресивну риторику. Важливо зазначити, що саме злагоджені дії представників Мінської групи ОБСЄ повинні виступати у якості рушійного механізму цих змін.