L'article examine les implications politiques et théoriques du lien entre l'individu et l'histoire et prend comme référence le moment actuel de la pandémie COVID-19. Il met en lumière les réflexions de Fidel Castro, et d'autres penseurs marxistes qui l'ont précédé, sur le rôle des dirigeants dans l'histoire et les circonstances sociales dans lesquelles ils émergent et dirigent les masses. L'ouvrage reflète la crise du leadership politique international, dont l'incarnation est sans aucun doute le président des États-Unis Donald Trump, qui, dans le contexte de la pandémie, a fait preuve d'un mépris fondamental pour les peuples.
El presente trabajo se orienta hacia la realización de un ejercicio de genealogía política con base en un referente histórico: el populismo latinoamericano. Por lo que, en dicho ejercicio, se esboza la idea de un sujeto político que hemos renombrado juanbimba; para ello, en un primer momento hurgaremos en el referente señalado en la búsqueda de la edificación de significantes vacíos (Laclau), como: justicia social y sindicalismo, con sus respectivos significantes flotantes y sus articulaciones hegemónicas de carácter contingente. En un segundo momento, señalaremos unos paradigmas/ejemplos (Agamben), desde la lógica particular / particular: Chávez/chavismo y Perón/peronismo. Tanto unos, los significantes vacíos, como otros, los paradigmas/ejemplos, estarán atravesados de una suerte de sujeto político, en plano individual y colectivo: juanbimba. ; This work is oriented towards carrying out a political genealogy exercise based on a historical reference: Latin American populism. So, in this exercise, the idea of ??a political subject that we have renamed juanbimba is outlined; for this, at first we will delve into the reference indicated in the search for the construction of empty signifiers (Laclau), such as: social justice and syndicalism, with their respective floating signifiers and their contingent hegemonic articulations. In a second moment, we will point out some paradigms / examples (Agamben), from the particular / particular logic: Chávez / chavismo and Perón / Peronism. Both some, the empty signifiers, and others, the paradigms / examples, will be crossed by a kind of political subject, on an individual and collective level: juanbimba.
This Bruce Bueno de Mesquita's fragment sets out the principles and general lines that support the Rational Choice Theory and its application to International Relations. Starting with the idea that we must pay attention, not to Nation States, but to Political Leaders ?motivated by personal interests, not national ones, such as their wish to stay in office?, and Decision Making Processes; Bueno de Mesquita challenges the assumptions of previous paradigms related to the separation among the National and International scene. He also states how the Political Leaders, influenced by three key concepts, such as power, preferences and perceptions, take decisions and coordinate their foreign policy actions, using strategic interactions. ; El fragmento de Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, expone los principios y líneas generales que fundamentan la Teoría de la Elección Racional y su aplicación a las Relaciones Internacionales. Partiendo de la idea de que la atención debe ponerse, no sobre los estados, sino sobre los líderes políticos ?motivados por intereses personales y no nacionales, como es el deseo de mantenerse en el poder? y los procesos de toma de decisiones; Bueno de Mesquita cuestiona las asunciones de paradigmas previos en torno a la separación del ámbito nacional e internacional. Asimismo, expone como los líderes políticos, influidos por tres conceptos clave como son el poder, las preferencias y las percepciones, toman decisiones y se coordinan entre ellos, utilizando interacciones estratégicas.
El fragmento de Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, expone los principios y líneas generales que fundamentan la Teoría de la Elección Racional y su aplicación a las Relaciones Internacionales. Partiendo de la idea de que la atención debe ponerse, no sobre los estados, sino sobre los líderes políticos ?motivados por intereses personales y no nacionales, como es el deseo de mantenerse en el poder? y los procesos de toma de decisiones; Bueno de Mesquita cuestiona las asunciones de paradigmas previos en torno a la separación del ámbito nacional e internacional. Asimismo, expone como los líderes políticos, influidos por tres conceptos clave como son el poder, las preferencias y las percepciones, toman decisiones y se coordinan entre ellos, utilizando interacciones estratégicas ; This Bruce Bueno de Mesquita's fragment sets out the principles and general lines that support the Rational Choice Theory and its application to International Relations. Starting with the idea that we must pay attention, not to Nation States, but to Political Leaders ?motivated by personal interests, not national ones, such as their wish to stay in office?, and Decision Making Processes; Bueno de Mesquita challenges the assumptions of previous paradigms related to the separation among the National and International scene. He also states how the Political Leaders, influenced by three key concepts, such as power, preferences and perceptions, take decisions and coordinate their foreign policy actions, using strategic interactions
Reseña de: Baiasu, S., Loriaux, S., (ed.), Sincerity in Politics and International Relations, Routledge Advances in International Relations and Global Politics, London & New York, Routledge, 2017, 210 pp., ISBN: 978-0-415-70417-5. ; Laura Herrero Olivera, Profesora Asociada de la Facultad de Filosofía de la Universidad Complutense
Reseña de: Baiasu, S., Loriaux, S., (ed.), Sincerity in Politics and International Relations, Routledge Advances in International Relations and Global Politics, London & New York, Routledge, 2017, 210 pp., ISBN: 978-0-415-70417-5. ; Laura Herrero Olivera, Profesora Asociada de la Facultad de Filosofía de la Universidad Complutense
Various economic theories, oriented towards development, are applied by governments at a global level. However, do these theories transcend the actions of governments? From the analysis carried out using qualitative and quantitative methods, the research seeks to determine the reason why the countries that before the Second World War, did not enjoy significant economic recognition, but at the end of this conflict, they turned to worldwide top positions. This led the creation of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) and within the socialist alliance, the Council for Mutual Economic Aid, established by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Currently, international trade is concentrated by China, the United States of America, Germany, Japan, the Netherlands, South Korea, and France. The world leadership unobjectionably lies in China, which, within exports, makes a 66.71% difference against the United States. ; Diversas teorías económicas aplican los gobiernos a nivel mundial, orientando al desarrollo económico de los países; cabe preguntar: ¿Estas teorías trascienden en el accionar de los gobiernos? Del análisis ejecutado en aplicación del método cualitativo y cuantitativo, la investigación busca determinar las razones por las cuales, países que hasta antes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial (2 ªGM), no gozaban de ubicaciones económicas importantes, pasaron al finalizar este conflicto a las primeras posiciones a nivel mundial, fomentando la creación del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), Banco Internacional de Reconstrucción y Fomento (BIRD), Acuerdo General Sobre Aranceles Aduaneros y Comercio (GATT), y la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC). En el bloque socialista el Consejo de Ayuda Mutua Económica, establecido por la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas. Actualmente, el comercio internacional lo concentran China, Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, Alemania, Japón, Países Bajos, Corea del Sur, Francia. El liderazgo mundial recae en China, que, en relación con las exportaciones, marca una diferencia del 66.71% frente a Estados Unidos.
Various economic theories, oriented towards development, are applied by governments at a global level. However, do these theories transcend the actions of governments? From the analysis carried out using qualitative and quantitative methods, the research seeks to determine the reason why the countries that before the Second World War, did not enjoy significant economic recognition, but at the end of this conflict, they turned to worldwide top positions. This led the creation of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) and within the socialist alliance, the Council for Mutual Economic Aid, established by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Currently, international trade is concentrated by China, the United States of America, Germany, Japan, the Netherlands, South Korea, and France. The world leadership unobjectionably lies in China, which, within exports, makes a 66.71% difference against the United States. ; Diversas teorías económicas aplican los gobiernos a nivel mundial, orientando al desarrollo económico de los países; cabe preguntar: ¿Estas teorías trascienden en el accionar de los gobiernos? Del análisis ejecutado en aplicación del método cualitativo y cuantitativo, la investigación busca determinar las razones por las cuales, países que hasta antes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial (2 ªGM), no gozaban de ubicaciones económicas importantes, pasaron al finalizar este conflicto a las primeras posiciones a nivel mundial, fomentando la creación del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), Banco Internacional de Reconstrucción y Fomento (BIRD), Acuerdo General Sobre Aranceles Aduaneros y Comercio (GATT), y la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC). En el bloque socialista el Consejo de Ayuda Mutua Económica, establecido por la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas. Actualmente, el comercio internacional lo concentran China, Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, Alemania, Japón, Países Bajos, Corea del Sur, Francia. El liderazgo mundial recae en China, que, en relación con las exportaciones, marca una diferencia del 66.71% frente a Estados Unidos.
The democratic participation of citizens and forms of local government have changed since the 1991 Constitution, which is reflected in citizen oversight and network governance. With a qualitative approach, this work seeks, from the perspective of governance and traditional politics, to analyze the communicative relations of the councilors of Bucaramanga with the communes, based on the perceptions of the councilors of the period 201- 2019 and the community leaders. From the results obtained from the Communication Policyof Mazzoleni (2010) and CitizenshipUrdaneta (2012), the predominance of relationships identified cooperation according to councilors and absence of relationship according to community leaders. It is concluded that these relationships are conditioned by direct communication, the use of means to inform and the implementation of citizen participation mechanisms.
Asumimos como premisa que los dirigentes de un estado intervienen en todas las etapas involucradas en el desencadenamiento del confl icto bélico. El papel de los dirigentes presenta todo un espectro de posibilidades desde su presunta insignifi cancia hasta su infl uencia determinante. Aquí hemos optado por un enfoque intermedio: estimamos signifi cativo el papel de los líderes, bajo fl ujos y refl ujos de un contexto histórico particular. Una de estas formas de intervención es la disposición antagónica. Esta se orienta hacia la confi guración de sistemas antagónicos entre naciones o grupo de naciones. La disposición antagónica de los dirigentes se materializa en la instrumentación de actos hostiles, por intermedio de los cuales se pretende alcanzar determinados propósitos. La confi guración de la disposición antagónica estriba en la forma en que interactúan entre sí los siguientes parámetros: Tradición Política, Sistema Político, Proceso de toma de decisiones, Apreciación antagónica, Apreciación Errónea. ; We assume as our premise that the leaders of a state intervene in all the stages involved in the triggering of the confl ict. The role of the leaders presents an entire spectrum of possibilities from its presumed insignifi cance until its decisive infl uence. Here, we present an intermediate approach in which we assess the role of the leaders' antagonistic disposition under specifi c historical circumstances. One of these is the confi guration of antagonistic systems between nations and groups of nations. On the other hand, it is signifi cant to notice that the antagonistic disposition of the main leaders is materialized in the instrumentation of hostile decisions and actions, through which they try to reach certain purposes. Leaders' antagonistic disposition materializes itself in the instrumentation of hostile acts, to achieve specifi c goals. Antagonistic disposition confi guration is the way in which interact the following parameters: Political tradition, political system, decision making process, antagonistic assessment, erroneous assessment ; 85-114 ; semestral
In this paper I`m trying to find out which kind of people were the Carlist chiefs who took part in the first war. With that intention I`ve selected the 100 most outstanding ones and, after studying their biographies, I`ve prepared some statistics. I have extracted the information from Pirala`s work, from other books abour the First Carlist War and from several biographical works about Carlist leaders. With this investigation I have been able to know that most of the Carlist leaders came from Catalonia, the Basque Country and Navarre, were mostly military expelled from active duty or leaders of royalist volunteers and had a quite varied life history. Some of them were idealists, other pragmatists and other opportunists. ; En este artículo he intentado averiguar qué tipo de personas fueron los jefes carlistas que participaron en la primera guerra. Para ello he seleccionado a los 100 más destacados y he elaborado una serie de estadísticas con sus datos biográficos. La información la he extraído de la obra de Pirala, de otros trabajos sobre la Primera Guerra Carlista y de varias obras biográficas sobre jefes carlistas. Con esta investigación he podido saber que la mayoría de los jefes carlistas procedían de Cataluña, el País Vasco y Navarra, que eran en su mayoría militares apartados del servicio o jefes de voluntarios realistas y que tuvieron una trayectoria vital bastante variada, habiendo entre ellos idealistas, pragmáticos y oportunistas.
International audience ; The Argentine Commissions, constituted in Montevideo, Bolivia and Chile by political émigrés from the Argentine Confederation between 1839 and 1845, played an important role in international politics. They connected the émigrés' political interests with those of host countries, sought to form international alliances against Rosas and participated in neighboring counties internal politics, which had the effect of internationalizing civil wars. Although the mobility patterns studied did not follow a national logic, they participated in Argentine politics, where émigrés from different provinces and factions came together with political objectives, in a context of the circulation of Romantic ideas of nationality. They are a concrete Argentine example of associative practices in exile and of the important role of transnational action in South American international politics. ; Las Comisiones Argentinas, conformadas en Montevideo, Bolivia y Chile por emigrados políticos originarios de la Confederación Argentina entre 1839 y 1845, jugaron un papel importante en la política internacional. Articularon los intereses políticos de los emigrados con los de los países de acogida, buscaron formar alianzas internacionales contra Rosas y participaron en la política interna de los países vecinos, con el efecto de internacionalizar las guerras civiles. Aunque las pautas de movilidad evidenciadas estuvieron desprovistas de una lógica nacional, participaron en una política argentina donde emigrados de provincias y facciones diferentes se juntaron con fines políticos, en un contexto de circulación de las ideas románticas de nacionalidad. Son un ejemplo concreto y argentino de las prácticas asociativas en el exilio y del papel importante de la acción transnacional en la política internacional sudamericana.
International audience ; The Argentine Commissions, constituted in Montevideo, Bolivia and Chile by political émigrés from the Argentine Confederation between 1839 and 1845, played an important role in international politics. They connected the émigrés' political interests with those of host countries, sought to form international alliances against Rosas and participated in neighboring counties internal politics, which had the effect of internationalizing civil wars. Although the mobility patterns studied did not follow a national logic, they participated in Argentine politics, where émigrés from different provinces and factions came together with political objectives, in a context of the circulation of Romantic ideas of nationality. They are a concrete Argentine example of associative practices in exile and of the important role of transnational action in South American international politics. ; Las Comisiones Argentinas, conformadas en Montevideo, Bolivia y Chile por emigrados políticos originarios de la Confederación Argentina entre 1839 y 1845, jugaron un papel importante en la política internacional. Articularon los intereses políticos de los emigrados con los de los países de acogida, buscaron formar alianzas internacionales contra Rosas y participaron en la política interna de los países vecinos, con el efecto de internacionalizar las guerras civiles. Aunque las pautas de movilidad evidenciadas estuvieron desprovistas de una lógica nacional, participaron en una política argentina donde emigrados de provincias y facciones diferentes se juntaron con fines políticos, en un contexto de circulación de las ideas románticas de nacionalidad. Son un ejemplo concreto y argentino de las prácticas asociativas en el exilio y del papel importante de la acción transnacional en la política internacional sudamericana.
This paper argues that Mohamad Bouazizi's self-immolation was a Pragmatic Act aimed at escaping Biopower formulated by the authoritarian Tunisian regime for the purpose of securitizing Structural Violence. It is a sensational form of suicide that awakens emotions and inspires resistance. Human emotions, not technological innovation, had the power to change regimes. Twitter and Facebook are methods of communication that helped transmit this rage, but did not cause these revolutions. Passions, lit by Bouazizi's flame, diffused naturally by human interface and may have occurred without such technological advances. This paper is divided into three main parts. The first is to theorize the act of self-immolation. The second theorizes about the power human emotion has on the international arena. Lastly, it highlights the discursive power of scholarship. Fundamentally, this paper seeks to illuminate these thoughts on Bouazizi's self-immolation, as well pursue self-reflexivity that exemplifies the subjectivity of intellectuality. It presents a novel argument as it describes what dominant theories of International Relations omit: how ordinary people influence the international politics. The Arab Revolutions were caused not solely by the emergence of social networks or news media, but by emotional diffusion. Raw human anger forms the uniting force that assembles and organizes oppressed populations. By using these concepts and describing this and other cases of self-immolation, one discovers a pattern: self-immolation is an extraordinary method of suicide that persons without agency use to securitize structural violence by means of human emotion. As such, emotions are an integral, but understudied part of International Relations.
This paper argues that Mohamad Bouazizi's self-immolation was a Pragmatic Act aimed at escaping Biopower formulated by the authoritarian Tunisian regime for the purpose of securitizing Structural Violence. It is a sensational form of suicide that awakens emotions and inspires resistance. Human emotions, not technological innovation, had the power to change regimes. Twitter and Facebook are methods of communication that helped transmit this rage, but did not cause these revolutions. Passions, lit by Bouazizi's flame, diffused naturally by human interface and may have occurred without such technological advances. This paper is divided into three main parts. The first is to theorize the act of self-immolation. The second theorizes about the power human emotion has on the international arena. Lastly, it highlights the discursive power of scholarship. Fundamentally, this paper seeks to illuminate these thoughts on Bouazizi's self-immolation, as well pursue self-reflexivity that exemplifies the subjectivity of intellectuality. It presents a novel argument as it describes what dominant theories of International Relations omit: how ordinary people influence the international politics. The Arab Revolutions were caused not solely by the emergence of social networks or news media, but by emotional diffusion. Raw human anger forms the uniting force that assembles and organizes oppressed populations. By using these concepts and describing this and other cases of self-immolation, one discovers a pattern: self-immolation is an extraordinary method of suicide that persons without agency use to securitize structural violence by means of human emotion. As such, emotions are an integral, but understudied part of International Relations.
