Suchergebnisse

In the article there was shown the issue of the power division and balance, which is regulated by the Republic of Poland Constitution. The rule of power division appears in the shaped constitutional state organs. There are different practical solutions connected with the realization of the power division and the agreement between the rules and their effects is described as the rule system. The real meaning of the tree division power rule accomplishes by the description the relations of the model between the legislature and executive. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland regards the division and balance rule of the legislature, executive and judiciary as the base of the Polish political system and expresses it directly in the content of the art.10 of the Constitution. The base of the democratic law state is the rule of the power division. The most important is the Constitution of the state and international treaties which regulate the human and civil rights.

This article presents a critical analysis of insurance fraud with a legal comparative perspective. In the author's opinion, it is beyond doubt that the Polish solution needs change. Nonetheless, the scope of this change may vary. A look at this type of prohibited act regulated in foreign legal systems may be helpful in formulating conclusions for the Polish law as it stands and proposals for the law as it should stand. Considering the above, part one of this article focuses on the legal-dogmatic analysis of the crime under Article 298 § 1 of the Polish Penal Code, and its counterparts in the subsidiary model (i.e., in Germany, Austria and Finland). A detailed study precedes the process of modelling the liability for the commission of an insurance fraud, taking into account the specificity of economic crime and the various approaches taken by European legislatures, while preliminary conclusions resulting from the analyses carried out have been formulated in the summary. However, it should be pointed out at this point that the presentation of the final conclusions will take place after the discussion regarding the independent model, which will be presented in part two of the article. ; Niniejszy artykuł zawiera krytyczną analizę oszustwa ubezpieczeniowego przy wykorzystaniu ujęcia komparatystycznego. W ocenie autora nie ulega wątpliwości, że polskie rozwiązanie wymaga zmian. Różny może być jednak ich zakres. Pomocna w formułowaniu wniosków de lege lata oraz postulatów de lege ferenda może być optyka na ten typ czynu zabronionego w obcych porządkach prawnych. W związku z powyższym w części pierwszej skupiono się na analizie dogmatycznej przestępstwa z art. 298 § 1 Kodeksu karnego oraz na jego odpowiednikach w subsydiarnym modelu w Niemczech, Austrii i Finlandii. Szczegółowy wywód poprzedza proces modelowania odpowiedzialności za realizację oszustwa asekuracyjnego, uwzględniający specyfikę przestępczości gospodarczej oraz różnorodne podejścia ustawodawców europejskich. W podsumowaniu pokuszono się o sformułowanie wstępnych wniosków, wynikających z przeprowadzonych analiz. W tym miejscu należy podkreślić, że finalne konkluzje zostaną zamieszczone w drugiej części opracowania, po uwzględnieniu rozważań dotyczących modelu samoistnego.

One of the aspects of the principle of separation of powers in the state is control of the executive by the legislature. As regards the Polish lands in the early nineteenth century, we can speak about Polish parliamentarism only in the Duchy of Warsaw, the Kingdom of Poland and the Republic of Cracow. Although these states did not recognize the principle of parliamentary accountability, their parliaments voiced criticism of the authorities and there occurred the problem of controlling the executive. Parliament of the Duchy of Warsaw tried to usurp this right itself. Parliament of the Kingdom of Poland claimed the right to charge a civil officer of the government with crimes committed while in office. In that state the ability to control emerged during the November Uprising. In the Republic of Cracow all attempts at obtaining the right of control encountered the objection on the part of three supervising neighbours (Russia, Prussia, and Austria). ; One of the aspects of the principle of separation of powers in the state is control of the executive by the legislature. As regards the Polish lands in the early nineteenth century, we can speak about Polish parliamentarism only in the Duchy of Warsaw, the Kingdom of Poland and the Republic of Cracow. Although these states did not recognize the principle of parliamentary accountability, their parliaments voiced criticism of the authorities and there occurred the problem of controlling the executive. Parliament of the Duchy of Warsaw tried to usurp this right itself. Parliament of the Kingdom of Poland claimed the right to charge a civil officer of the government with crimes committed while in office. In that state the ability to control emerged during the November Uprising. In the Republic of Cracow all attempts at obtaining the right of control encountered the objection on the part of three supervising neighbours (Russia, Prussia, and Austria).

The need to keep the expected level of production in agriculture generates a serious burden on the environment. The most important environmental factors exposed to the impact of agriculture include biodiversity and water, air, and soil quality. Assessments of all these environmental aspects related to agricultural production are negative. The condition of the agricultural environment has been subject to rapid deterioration. In such a situation, environmental instruments have drawn particular attention from the European legislature when developing new guidelines of the Common Agricultural Policy to be applicable after 2020. ; Utrzymanie oczekiwanego poziomu produkcyjności w rolnictwie generuje poważne obciążenie dla środowiska naturalnego. Do najważniejszych czynników środowiskowych narażonych na oddziaływanie rolnictwa zalicza się różnorodność biologiczną, ilość i jakość wody, powietrza oraz gleby. Oceny wszystkich wskazanych aspektów środowiskowych towarzyszących produkcji rolnej wypadają negatywnie. Stan środowiska rolniczego ulega szybkiej degradacji. W takiej sytuacji instrumenty ochrony środowiska doczekały się szczególnej uwagi prawodawcy europejskiego tworzącego nowe programowe założenia Wspólnej Polityki Rolnej obowiązującej po roku 2020.

This article is a comparative analysis of the legal nature and the rights and obligations of parties concluding property insurance contracts under the provisions of the Maritime Code and the Civil Code. When navigating a ship, the shipowner conducts a business commonly referred to as the operation of a ship, which includes, inter alia, its use for business purposes. The shipowner business is therefore an economic activity and the owner is the entrepreneur who runs his business which s/he is liable for. It is his/her broad interest to insure permanent assets of his/her company against damage as well as his/her civil liability. As the text indicates, s/he is treated by the legislature more severely than a person conducting a standard property insurance. In addition, the legal nature of the policy, due to the requirements of maritime traffic, differs from that from the Civil Code. The purpose of this study is to identify the key differences between the two regulations.

Siyasi partilerin Meclis grupları, o partilerin Mecliste sahip oldukları asgari bir sayıda milletvekillerinden oluşan gruplardır. Gruplar, partiden ayrı bir örgüt olmayıp partinin Meclis'teki uzantısı olarak görülmektedir ve TBMM faaliyetlerinde yasama işlevinin bir parçası olmaları gerekmektedir. Ancak, günümüzde grup toplantıları bu görünümden oldukça uzaktır. Grupların işlevsizliği, yasama organının yetkisini daraltmış ve yasama yetkisinin kullanımında inisiyatifin Meclis'ten çıkıp parti Genel Başkanlarının ve merkez organlarının eline geçmesine neden olmuştur. TBMM İçtüzüğü incelendiğinde, Anayasa'nın 95/2. maddesi gereği grupçu bir anlayışın hakim olduğu ortaya çıkmaktadır. TBMM'de grup kurma hakkını elde eden partiler yasama faaliyetlerine daha etkin katılabilme hakkına sahip olmakta ve Anayasa ve İçtüzük'ten kaynaklanan birtakım ayrıcalıklar da elde etmektedirler. Ayrıca siyasi parti grupları, parlamenter sistemin etkisiyle meclislerde yasama işlevinin başrol oyuncuları haline gelmişlerdir. Parlamenter sistemlerde hükümetin parlamentodaki çoğunluğa dayanması ve parlamentoya karşı sorumlu olması kuraldır. Parlamento çoğunluğu hükümete karşı güvensizlik oyu verdiği zaman artık hükümet görevine devam edemeyecektir. Bu nedenle demokratik parlamenter rejim açısından, özellikle iktidar partileri gruplarına hakim olmak durumundadırlar. Ancak dozu iyi ayarlanmayan bir disiplin parti içi demokrasiyi de yok edebilmektedir. Günümüzde milletvekillerinin geneli yasama ve denetim çalışmalarına kendi özgür iradelerini yansıtamamakta, parti grubunun aldığı kararları onaylamaktan öte katkı sağlayamamaktadırlar. Gruplar bağlayıcı grup kararları ile milletvekillerinin iradelerine ipotek koymaktadır. Bu Kararlara aykırı davranan milletvekilleri de ya partiden ihraç edilmekte veya sonraki genel seçimlerde aday gösterilmeyerek cezalandırılmaktadır. Parlamentonun yasama ve denetim faaliyetinin daha etkin ve işlevsel olabilmesi için grupların milletvekilleri üzerindeki baskıcı ve yönlendirici denetimi azaltılmalı ve milletvekillerinin özgür iradeleri doğrultusunda rahatça hareket edebilmeleri sağlanmalıdır. ; The National Assembly groups of the political parties are not considered as a seperate organisation but they are seen as a party?s extended part and they must be a part of the legislative function which is amongst The TGNA?s activities. But in our day, group meetings are far away from this view. The functionlessness of the groups has narrowed the legislature authority and caused the initiative of the usage of the authority belonging to the legislature to get out of the hands of of the legislature to the leaders and central offices of the parties. When the interior rules and regulations of The TGNA are studied, it can be seen that a group work concept is supreme as mentioned in the article 95/2. Parties obtained the right to form a group in The TGNA, get the right to join the legislative activities more effectively and have some privileges arising from the Constitution and the internal rules and regulations of the TGNA. Separately, groups of Political parties, with the influence of the parliamentary system, has become the main actors of the legislative work in National Assemblies. In Parliamentary systems, it is a rule that the government depends on the majority in the national assembly and the government is responsible to the parliament. If the majority of the parliament pass a vote of non confidence, the government will not be able to continue its duty. Because of this fact, from the point of view of the democratic parliamentary regime, especially the parties in power must rule to their groups. But a miscalculated discipline could also destroy the internal democracy in a party. In our day, deputies generally cannot reflect their private personal wills to the legislative and inspection studies and they cannot contribute any further than approving the resolutions decided by the party group. The groups create a mortgage on the wills of the deputies with obliging group decisions. Deputies who act contrary to these decisions are either exported from the party or punished by not having candidacy in the next elections. In order to have the legislative and inspection activities of the parliament more effective and functional, the strict and orientating control of the groups on deputies should be reduced and the ability of the deputies to be able to act according to their private will should be provided.

The Polish conception of the local government entails the empowerment of local communities. While this empowerment is usually understood only in terms of legal personality, it is crucial for the unimpeded operation of the local government, even in this extremely narrow understanding of subjectivity, that there exist open channels of communication between the representatives of the local authorities and civil servants and the local communities. Regrettably, the communication duties of the local governments have been codified by the legislature in a rather narrow way, and most of them can be only implicitly derived from the tasks of particular institutions and contemporary requirements for the development of a civil society and democracy as such. The article, then, constitutes an attempt at pinpointing the sources of communication responsibilities of local government bodies, from which derive particular tasks which need to be addressed by the communication policies of particular institutions. Moreover, the article briefly characterizes the state of contemporary local communications in Poland as well as provides advice for further development of local authorities in that regard.

Present article concerns the provisions about the security and order during the election of the king in Both Nations Commonwealth, which were designed to ensure the safe and lawful carrying out election conventions. The purpose of these provisions was guaranteeing: proper organization of the meeting of Legislature (known as The Circle of Knights), correct adoption of foreign envoys and lawful conduct of monarch election. These regulations were prepared to fi ght with the criminal off ences and assurance the legal instruments to cope with problems concerning with functioning security services, building infrastructural facilities and supplying food. The author points at heterogenic nature of provisions of the security and order during the election of the polish kings, which included both procedural as well as substantive rules. Furthermore, substantive rules were related not merely with the criminal provisions, but also the others, similar to present-day regulations, which secure the mass events. The author tries to present the process of preparation and implementation of the provisions about the security and order during the election of the polish kings as one of the main tasks in the process of organization of the election conventions.

Present article concerns the provisions about the security and order during the election of the king in Both Nations Commonwealth, which were designed to ensure the safe and lawful carrying out election conventions. The purpose of these provisions was guaranteeing: proper organization of the meeting of Legislature (known as The Circle of Knights), correct adoption of foreign envoys and lawful conduct of monarch election. These regulations were prepared to fi ght with the criminal off ences and assurance the legal instruments to cope with problems concerning with functioning security services, building infrastructural facilities and supplying food. The author points at heterogenic nature of provisions of the security and order during the election of the polish kings, which included both procedural as well as substantive rules. Furthermore, substantive rules were related not merely with the criminal provisions, but also the others, similar to present-day regulations, which secure the mass events. The author tries to present the process of preparation and implementation of the provisions about the security and order during the election of the polish kings as one of the main tasks in the process of organization of the election conventions.

Research Objective: The article is to present select aspects of changes in American party system and institutional environment that influenced 2016 election results and to analyze probable consequences of those results for further evolution of the said systems.Research Problem and Methods: The article focuses on causes of the party establishment's loss of control over the nominating process, long-term determinants of Donald Trump's general election victory and perspectives for reorientation of Republican Party line towards the "Jacksonian tradition."Process of Argumentation: Primary campaigns and their outcomes are analyzed in the light of scholarship findings on internal operating mechanisms of American political institutions (primarily legislatures and political parties). Causes of interparty shifts in electoral support are considered qualitatively on the basis of historical trends and examples. Potential consequences of Donald Trump's victory are analyzed against institutional rules (primarily legal norms) determining feasibility of his electoral platform.Research Results: A claim of causal relationship between institutional reforms directly or indirectly weakening traditional hierarchical relationships in American politics and loss of establishment control over primaries, which facilitated Donald Trump's nomination and led to weakening of Hillary Clinton's campaign, has been preliminarily substantiated. Stable patterns of electoral behaviors that partially explain Republican candidate's victory in general elections have been indicated.Conclusions and Recommendations: 2016 American presidential election results are a product of multiple factors and but-for causes. Not insubstantial among them, although receiving little recognition in the campaign commentary, were institutional conditions (such as weakening of party leadership) and stable patterns of electoral behavior (favorable view of political outsiders and inclination towards alternation in power). ; Cel naukowy: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych aspektów zmian amerykańskiego systemu partyjnego i instytucjonalnego, jakie wpłynęły na wynik wyborów 2016 r., oraz przeanalizowanie, jakich konsekwencji tego wyniku należy oczekiwać dla dalszej ewolucji wspomnianych systemów.Problem i metody badawcze: Artykuł koncentruje się na przyczynach utraty kontroli establishmentu partyjnego nad procesem prawyborów, długoterminowych uwarunkowaniach zwycięstwa Donalda Trumpa w wyborach powszechnych oraz perspektywach reorientacji programowej Partii Republikańskiej w kierunku tzw. tradycji jacksonowskiej.Proces wywodu: Przebieg i wyniki prawyborów w obydwu partiach analizowane są w świetle ustaleń literatury dotyczących mechanizmu funkcjonowania amerykańskich instytucji politycznych (w szczególności legislatur i partii politycznych). Z kolei przyczyny przesunięć poparcia wyborczego między partiami rozpatrywane są w ujęciu jakościowym na podstawie przykładów i trendów historycznych. Wreszcie potencjalne konsekwencje zwycięstwa D. Trumpa analizowane są w odniesieniu do reguł instytucjonalnych (przede wszystkich prawnych) determinujących możliwości realizacji programu prezydenckiego.Wyniki analizy naukowej: Uprawdopodobniono tezę o istnieniu związku przyczynowego między reformami instytucjonalnymi bezpośrednio lub pośrednio osłabiającymi tradycyjne mechanizmy hierarchiczne w polityce amerykańskiej a utratą kontroli nad procesem nominacyjnym przez establishmenty partyjne, która umożliwiła zwycięstwo D. Trumpa i osłabiła H. Clinton. Wskazano na stabilne historyczne wzorce zachowań wyborczych, częściowo wyjaśniające zwycięstwo kandydata republikanów w wyborach powszechnych.Wnioski, innowacje, rekomendacje: Wynik wyborów prezydenckich w USA w 2016 r. był rezultatem splotu wielu czynników. Nie bez znaczenia były również niedostrzegane w bieżących komentarzach uwarunkowania instytucjonalne (jak osłabienie kierownictwa partyjnego) oraz stabilne wzorce zachowań amerykańskiego elektoratu (przewaga "outsiderów" – kandydatów spoza polityki federalnej czy inklinacja ku alternacji władzy).

The paper aims to present the legal tools used by the Austrian legislature to exert control over the federal government and its members, particularly the role of the commission of inquiry and its position in the system. The assumed research hypothesis is that the scope and efficiency of legislative oversight of the executive in Austria have increased due to the strengthened position of the parliamentary minority. The key factor was the 2014 Constitutional Amendment allowing the opposition to propose issuing a commission of inquiry at the National Council. The paper consists of four parts. First, it describes the instruments of political control the Austrian parliament has at its disposal. Next, it analyses the application of the individual supervisory tools at the National Council in the years 2006–2021. The third part presents the procedure for issuing a commission of inquiry and its powers. The reflections are concluded by an analysis of the hitherto existing commissions of inquiry in the Second Republic in terms of their frequency, the scope of inquiry, proponents, and the duration and intensity of their work. The paper also seeks to answer the questions of the scrutiny potential of the National Council, the importance of commissions of inquiry in system practice in Austria and the possible political consequences of the changes to how the parliamentary commissions of inquiry are issued and how they function.

At the turn of November 2018, the next local elections were held in Poland. However, this time, along with the next term, a number of new legal arrangements and structures have been implemented as a result of the adoption of the Act of 11 January 2018 on amending certain laws to increase the participation of citizens in the process of electing, functioning and controlling certain public bodies. The legislature has set itself the objective of adopting solutions to enable and facilitate greater influence for members of local and regional communities, especially in legislative and executive bodies of local government units. Some of these changes affect the executive body in the municipality (local government commune), i.e. village mayor (town mayor or city president), affecting the change in its scope and powers. ; Na przełomie października i listopada 2018 r. odbyły się w Polsce kolejne wybory samorządowe, jednakże tym razem wraz z kolejną kadencją władz samorządowych doszło do wdrożenia wielu nowych rozwiązań i konstrukcji prawnych będących efektem uchwalenia w dniu 11 stycznia 2018 r. ustawy o zmianie niektórych ustaw w celu zwiększenia udziału obywateli w procesie wybierania, funkcjonowania i kontrolowania niektórych organów publicznych. Ustawodawca postawił sobie za cel przyjęcie rozwiązań, które mają umożliwić i ułatwić członkom wspólnot samorządowych większy wpływ na funkcjonowanie tych wspólnot, w szczególności organów stanowiących i wykonawczych w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego. Niektóre z tych zmian dotykają organu wykonawczego w gminie samorządowej, czyli wójta (burmistrza, prezydenta miasta), wpływając na zmianę zakresu jego działania i kompetencji.

The article presents the parliamentary activity of Fr. Jan Czuj as a deputy to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland in the years 1922–1935 on behalf of the Polish Catholic-People's Party. The main goal of this paper is to show various forms of his activity in the parliament which was especially parliamentary speeches and signing of the legislative proposals and interpellations. The main topics of the Fr. Jan Czuj's interests during his career in the parliament are shown through the analysis of the parliamentary sources which are stenographic records, documents and interpellations. Also, his activity as a member of parliament is evaluated which leads to the conclusion that during the thirteen years of his presence in the lower house of the Polish legislature, he was not a very diligent deputy. ; W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono działalność parlamentarną ks. Jana Czuja jako posła na Sejm RP w latach 1922–1935 z ramienia Polskiego Stronnictwa Katolicko-Ludowego. Skupiono się głównie na omówieniu poszczególnych form jego aktywności na forum izby, przejawiającej się w przemówieniach sejmowych oraz składaniu podpisu pod wnioskami poselskimi i interpelacjami. Opierając się na analizie źródeł parlamentarnych w postaci sprawozdań stenograficznych z posiedzeń sejmu, druków sejmowych i tekstów interpelacji, przybliżono zakres tematów i zagadnień, wokół których ogniskowała się aktywność parlamentarna ks. J. Czuja. Oszacowano również skalę tej aktywności, co doprowadziło do konstatacji, że w trakcie swej trzynastoletniej obecności w parlamencie należał on raczej do grona posłów mało aktywnych.

DergiPark: 561243 ; klujfeas ; Modern toplumlarda medyanın görevi devletin yasama-yürütme-yargı erkleri arasındaki çarpıklıkları ortaya koyan bir tür 'dördüncü güç' olmasına rağmen, Türkiye'de hemen tüm kurumlar gibi medya da genellikle devlet-eksenli bir seyir izlemiştir. 28 Şubat süreci de bu anlatılanların vuku bulduğu bir 'siyasal laboratuar' olarak incelenmeye adaydır.Bu çalışmanın amacı, 28 Şubat sürecinden hareketle Türkiye'de var olan toplumsal ayrışmayı medyanın ne ölçüde ve nasıl etkilediğini merkez-çevre ilişkileri ekseninde incelemektir. Çalışmada 28 Şubat 1997 tarihli Milli Güvenlik Kurulu toplantısını izleyen üç gün boyunca seçilen gazetelerin attığı manşetler eleştirel söylem analizi yöntemiyle incelenmiş ve bu yolla haberlerin ideolojik arka planındaki siyasal aktörler arası ilişkiler ortaya çıkarılmaya çalışılmıştır. ; Although the media is referred to as the fourth branch of government in modern societies, revealing irregularities among the three branches of government -legislature, executive and judiciary,it has been almost always under government control like all other institutions in Turkey. Similar to a political laboratory in which all the aforementioned have occurred, theFebruary 28 Process faces us as a candidate waiting to be examined. This study's aim is to examine how and to what extent the media has affected the social disintegration in Turkey, from periphery-center relations paradigm. In this study, the newspaper headlines in three days following the meeting of the National Security Council on February 28, 1997 have been examined by using the method of critical discourse analysis; and thus, it has been attempted to reveal relations among political actors behind the ideological structures of the news.

The article addresses the notary's systemic position under the first Polish Law on Notaries of 27 October 1933. The analysis of the position of the notary carried out in part one of this article pointed to serious difficulties in the precise defining of this position, both among the scholars in the field and the judicature. To precisely define the systemic position of the notary, part two has provided an analysis of the provisions of the Law on Notaries regarding the professional self-government of notaries, supervision over notaries and their activities, disciplinary liability and compensatory liability of the notary, and the rules of preparation for the profession of notary. The analysis of the Law on Notaries of 1933 presented in the first and second part of this article, leads to the conclusion that the notary's position included in its legal position a combination of features of a public officer and a liberal profession. The legislature, using in Article 1 the term "public functionary", and not "state official", and giving notaries in Article 23 of the Law on Notaries the legal protection enjoyed by state officials, wanted to clearly emphasize the existing differences between them while at the same time underlining their close relationship to the state. The adoption of such a definition made it possible to grant notaries a wide range of powers. At the same time, it provided the basis to establish a professional self-government and entrust its bodies with significant powers in the area of disciplinary jurisdiction. The dualistic approach to the position of the notary was also reflected in the separate rules of training for the profession and in the special rules of notary's liability for damages. The state, by entrusting notaries with activities related to non-contentious judiciary, secured for itself an exclusive influence on the staffing of notary positions and covered the system of notaries by a strict supervision exercised by the Minister of Justice. The discussion presented in the article leads to a conclusion that the legislature approached the position of a notary in the Law on Notaries of 1933 in a special way, creating a combination of official and professional elements, which can be called a public function. In terms of the political and administrative system, regardless of the definition itself, the notary in practice performed the function of a person of public trust. ; Artykuł dotyczy problematyki pozycji ustrojowej notariusza na gruncie pierwszego polskiego Prawa o notariacie z dnia 27 października 1933 r. Dokonana w części pierwszej opracowania analiza pozycji ustrojowej notariusza wykazała istnienie poważnych trudności w precyzyjnym jej określeniu, zarówno wśród przedstawicieli doktryny, jak i judykatury. W celu precyzyjnego określenia pozycji ustrojowej notariusza w części drugiej przeprowadzono analizę postanowień Prawa o notariacie dotyczących samorządu zawodowego notariatu, nadzoru nad notariatem i notariuszami, odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej i odszkodowawczej notariusza oraz zasad przygotowania do zawodu notariusza. Przedstawiona w obu częściach artykułu analiza przepisów Prawa o notariacie z 1933 r. prowadzi do wniosku, że stanowisko notariusza zawierało w swoim położeniu prawnym połączenie cech urzędniczych i cech wolnego zawodu. Prawodawca, używając w art. 1 określenia "funkcjonariusz publiczny", a nie "funkcjonariusz państwowy", oraz nadając notariuszom w art. 23 Prawa o notariacie ochronę prawną przysługującą urzędnikom państwowym, chciał wyraźnie zaakcentować istniejące między nimi różnice, a zarazem podkreślić ich bliski związek z państwem. Przyjęcie takiej definicji umożliwiło przyznanie notariuszom szerokiego zakresu kompetencji. Jednocześnie stworzyło ono podstawy do powołania samorządu zawodowego oraz powierzenia jego organom istotnych uprawnień w zakresie sądownictwa dyscyplinarnego. Dualistyczne ujęcie stanowiska notariusza znalazło odzwierciedlenie również w odrębnych zasadach przygotowania do zawodu oraz w szczególnych zasadach odpowiedzialności odszkodowawczej notariusza. Powierzając notariuszom czynności należące do sądownictwa niespornego, państwo zapewniło sobie wyłączny wpływ na nadawanie posad notariuszom oraz poddało notariat ścisłemu nadzorowi Ministra Sprawiedliwości. Przedstawione w opracowaniu rozważania prowadzą do wniosku, że prawodawca ujął w Prawie o notariacie z 1933 r. stanowisko notariusza w sposób szczególny, stwarzając syntezę pierwiastków urzędniczego i wolno-zawodowego, którą można określić mianem funkcji publicznej. W zakresie ustrojowym, niezależnie od samej definicji, notariusz w praktyce pełnił funkcję osoby zaufania publicznego.