Suchergebnisse

It is an overall consideration of the lexical content which Pierre Guiraud proposed in Problems and Methods of Language Statistics as early as 1959 (p. 129): "A table of lexical correlations between the different works could be drawn up by taking two to two to see the words they have in common and those which they have in their own; but it's a huge piece of work. "And Charles Muller, in 1967, in his lexical statistics study (pp. 169-173) carried out precisely this type of calculation, which it refers to as the lexical connection and the theory of which it gives detailed in its initiation to lexical statistics (pp. 210-215). It is conceivable that Guiraud, who at that time lacked the means of calculation, refrained from undertaking a 'huge amount of work', but it is surprising that Muller's attempt was so rarely resumed, even though the method was clearly defined and the treatment tools available. It is true that specific programmes need to be implemented which are quite complex and require sufficient power. However, programming has become a banal exercise and machines have progressed so much that research of this kind should no longer be reduced. And that is what we have tried on the Hugo corpus and which we propose to report on. ; International audience ; It is an overall consideration of the lexical content which Pierre Guiraud proposed in Problems and Methods of Language Statistics as early as 1959 (p. 129): "A table of lexical correlations between the different works could be drawn up by taking two to two to see the words they have in common and those which they have in their own; but it's a huge piece of work. "And Charles Muller, in 1967, in his lexical statistics study (pp. 169-173) carried out precisely this type of calculation, which it refers to as the lexical connection and the theory of which it gives detailed in its initiation to lexical statistics (pp. 210-215). It is conceivable that Guiraud, who at that time lacked the means of calculation, refrained from undertaking a 'huge amount of work', but ...

This paper is a part of a larger study of regional variation of the lexicon within the Serbian standard language. About 100 questionnaires were collected for this research from educated speakers of the Serbian language from different cities. The questionnaire contains questions which uncover the use of doublets characteristic of the western and eastern parts of the Serbian linguistic territory, such as željezo and gvožđe, mahune and boranija, kino and bioskop. The paper proposes the analysis of around 60 questionnaires from the Republic of Srpska, namely from Banja Luka (47), Trebinje (7), as well as from Prijedor, Bjelina and East Sarajevo. First, the paper presents a list of investigated regional doublets (200 lexemes), and gives their typological division (phonetic or morphological variants, lexical doublets).
Further, a linguageographic analysis of the first questionnaire is proposed and previously analysed in the other paper, and conclusions about the regional characteristics of the lexicon contained in that questionnaire are presented. For example, it is noted that in Prijedor, unlike Trebinje, words as domaća zadaća, duda, hladetina, hlače, ispričnica, kuhar, kuhati, marelice, neodgojen, propuh, ručnik, tekućina, tržnica, tuka, umjetno gnojivo etc., are used.
The main content of the paper deals with the analysis of the second questionnaire. For each lexical pair presented in the questionnaire, the statistics of the use of each word in Banja-Luka and Trebinje are given, and based on this, the lexicon characteristic of one and the other city is distinguished (e.g. dan i noć, trougao in Trebinje and maćuhice, trokut in Banja Luka), as well as a group of doublet pairs whose members are used equally often in the west and in the east of the Republic of Srpska (oprosti – izvini). Words which practically do not vary are also described. Sometimes the same word is used in Banja Luka and Trebinje, and sometimes it is the same as in Serbia (putarina), or it may be different (narandža instead of pomorandža).
The main conclusion of the research is that the lexicon of the western and eastern type on the territory of the Republic of Srpska is distributed in the form of waves. This means that the use of lexical doublets in Trebinje is more similar to their use in Serbia, while for Banja Luka and Prijedor a higher concentration of western words than in Trebinje is typical.
Further research will be focused on the description of the use of these lexemes in other cities of the Republic of Srpska, as well as their variation on the territory of Serbia.

Рассматривается возможность применения количественных методов для определения лексических репрезентантов текстового концепта и их связи с идеологическим содержанием текста. На примере анализа заявления Испании по вопросу о самопровозглашении независимости Косово авторы анализируют семантические параметры концепта «суверенитет». Используемая методика основана на учете частотности как прямых, так и косвенных лексических репрезентанов концепта, а также их качественной семантической оценки. ; The article explores the potential of statistical approaches for the retrieval of lexical representatives of a textual concept as well as for the study of their correlations with the ideological content of the text. Based on Michael Freeden's concept-oriented theory of ideology, the authors suggest to study the lexical representation of the concept "sovereignty" in the statements on the unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo presented to the International Court of Justice, which implicitly reflect the ideological orientations of 37 countries as for the idea of sovereignty and its status in the international law. To do this, the authors calculate the frequency of both direct and indirect representatives of the concept within the statements made by 37 countries. This analysis shows that the frequency of words which can be regarded as potential representatives of the concept in question is three times higher in the texts of countries opposing Kosovo's independence than of those supporting it, this reveals the "argumentative potential" of the concept in the discussion on Kosovo's independence. The statement made by Spain, strongly opposed to the idea of the independence of Kosovo, has the highest number of words potentially representing the concept "sovereignty". The authors then proceed to the statistical analysis of collocations in Spain's statement which leads to retrieve the indirect representatives of the concept in question relevant for the particular text. These are: territorial integrity, political unity and independence (only nouns or combinations of nouns and adjectives were retained). Obviously, they correspond to the various aspects of sovereignty as defended by Spain. Besides these representatives, the authors analyze two statistically specific units: autonomy and border control. The authors show that the uniqueness of border control in the statement of Spain reflects the peripheral character of the corresponding meaning in the structure of the studied concept, while the qualitative analysis of autonomy reveals that it reflects the meaning opposing the idea of independence (autonomy is suggested as an alternative to independence) and cannot be considered as a representative of the concept "sovereignty" in this particular text. The authors conclude that the statistical methods and the techniques of automatic treatment of texts can be useful for the preliminary lexical and semantic analysis of political concepts as reflected in ideologically non-neutral texts.

AbstractIn this address, I examine the lexical, geographic, temporal and philosophical origins of two key concepts in modern political thought: colonies and statistics. Beginning with the Latin word colonia, I argue that the modern ideology of settler colonialism is anchored in the claim of "improvement" of both people and land via agrarian labour in John Locke's labour theory of property in seventeenth-century America, through which he sought to provide an ideological justification for both the assimilation and dispossession of Indigenous peoples. This same ideology of colonialism was turned inward a century later by Sir John Sinclair to justify domestic colonies on "waste" land in Scotland—specifically Caithness (the county within which my own grandparents were tenant farmers). Domestic colonialism understood as "improvement" of people (the "idle" poor and mentally ill and disabled) through engagement in agrarian labour on waste land inside explicitly named colonies within the borders of one's own country was first championed not only by Sinclair but also his famous correspondent, Jeremy Bentham, in England. Sinclair simultaneously coined the word statistics and was the first to use it in the English language. He defined it as the scientific gathering of mass survey data to shape state policies. Bentham embraced statistics as well. In both cases, statistics were developed and deployed to support their domestic colony schemes by creating a benchmark and roadmap for the improvement of people and land as well as a tool to measure the colony's capacity to achieve both over time. I conclude that settler colonialism along with the intertwined origins of domestic colonies and statistics have important implications for the study of political science in Canada, the history of colonialism as distinct from imperialism in modern political thought and the role played by intersecting colonialisms in the Canadian polity.

AbstractWhen learning language, young children are faced with many seemingly formidable challenges, including discovering words embedded in a continuous stream of sounds and determining what role these words play in syntactic constructions. We suggest that knowledge of phoneme distributions may play a crucial part in helping children segment words and determine their lexical category, and we propose an integrated model of how children might go from unsegmented speech to lexical categories. We corroborated this theoretical model using a two‐stage computational analysis of a large corpus of English child‐directed speech. First, we used transition probabilities between phonemes to find words in unsegmented speech. Second, we used distributional information about word edges – the beginning and ending phonemes of words – to predict whether the segmented words from the first stage were nouns, verbs, or something else. The results indicate that discovering lexical units and their associated syntactic category in child‐directed speech is possible by attending to the statistics of single phoneme transitions and word‐initial and final phonemes. Thus, we suggest that a core computational principle in language acquisition is that the same source of information is used to learn about different aspects of linguistic structure.

Application de la statistique lexicale aux discours des Premiers ministres québécois entre 1960 et 2005 (Lesage, Johnson, Bertrand, Bourassa, Lévesque, Parizeau, Bouchard, Landry, Charest). On analyse d'abord l'évolution des thématiques qui balisent l'histoire de la société québécoise depuis la révolution tranquille. Le style discursif de chaque Premier ministre est décrit grâce au vocabulaire, aux catégories grammaticales, au maniement des verbes et des noms, à la longueur et la structure des phrases. Cette comparaison montre des différences significatives entre les Premiers ministres et révèle la stratégie de communication privilégiée par chacun d'eux.

Application de la statistique lexicale aux discours des Premiers ministres québécois entre 1960 et 2005 (Lesage, Johnson, Bertrand, Bourassa, Lévesque, Parizeau, Bouchard, Landry, Charest). On analyse d'abord l'évolution des thématiques qui balisent l'histoire de la société québécoise depuis la révolution tranquille. Le style discursif de chaque Premier ministre est décrit grâce au vocabulaire, aux catégories grammaticales, au maniement des verbes et des noms, à la longueur et la structure des phrases. Cette comparaison montre des différences significatives entre les Premiers ministres et révèle la stratégie de communication privilégiée par chacun d'eux.

Based on a sociocultural theory and a plethora of experiential studies on the efficacy of scaffolding on foreign language learning, the goal of this research article is to examine the effectiveness of diverse types of scaffolding on university students' lexical digesting and reading perception from a sociocultural standpoint. Using the Harvard Placement Test, 40 EFL students from a total of 70 were selected and divided into two experimental groups and a single control group. The first group (G1 Exp.) was given teaching with instructor scaffolding, the second group (G2 Exp.) received instruction with peer scaffolding, and the control group (G3 Cont.) received conventional instruction without any external enhancement. Pretests for lexical digesting and reading perception were administered to the three groups. Following the treatment, post-tests for lexical digesting and reading perception were administered. Descriptive statistics and inferential statistics were used to examine the collected data. The results showed a significant difference between instructor and peer scaffolding, with the peer scaffolding group outperforming the instructor scaffolding group. Both experimental groups outperformed the control group in lexical digesting and reading perception. Regarding various kinds of scaffolding, this study provided some advice for psycholinguists, curriculum designers, and language instructors.

In their speeches, the politicians use much quantification (numbers and dates). This is shown by the comparison of speeches by many French politicians to a wide excerpt of modern French of 30 million words, all labeled. Numbers and dates are used to anchor a speech in the present times and in the economic and social reality. An illustration is given with the help of the V. Giscard d'Estaing's presidential speeches (1974-1981) compared to the ones by the other five French presidents between 1958 and 2012. ; Dans leurs discours, les politiques utilisent beaucoup la quantification (nombres et dates). C'est ce que révèle la comparaison des discours tenus par un grand nombre de responsables politiques français quand on les compare à un vaste échantillon du français moderne comportant 30 millions de mots, tous étiquetés. Les chiffres et les dates servent à donner aux discours un ancrage dans le temps, la réalité économique et sociale. Une illustration est donnée avec V. Giscard d'Estaing (1974-1981) comparé aux cinq autres présidents de la République entre 1958 et 2012.

In their speeches, the politicians use much quantification (numbers and dates). This is shown by the comparison of speeches by many French politicians to a wide excerpt of modern French of 30 million words, all labeled. Numbers and dates are used to anchor a speech in the present times and in the economic and social reality. An illustration is given with the help of the V. Giscard d'Estaing's presidential speeches (1974-1981) compared to the ones by the other five French presidents between 1958 and 2012. ; Dans leurs discours, les politiques utilisent beaucoup la quantification (nombres et dates). C'est ce que révèle la comparaison des discours tenus par un grand nombre de responsables politiques français quand on les compare à un vaste échantillon du français moderne comportant 30 millions de mots, tous étiquetés. Les chiffres et les dates servent à donner aux discours un ancrage dans le temps, la réalité économique et sociale. Une illustration est donnée avec V. Giscard d'Estaing (1974-1981) comparé aux cinq autres présidents de la République entre 1958 et 2012.

In their speeches, the politicians use much quantification (numbers and dates). This is shown by the comparison of speeches by many French politicians to a wide excerpt of modern French of 30 million words, all labeled. Numbers and dates are used to anchor a speech in the present times and in the economic and social reality. An illustration is given with the help of the V. Giscard d'Estaing's presidential speeches (1974-1981) compared to the ones by the other five French presidents between 1958 and 2012. ; Dans leurs discours, les politiques utilisent beaucoup la quantification (nombres et dates). C'est ce que révèle la comparaison des discours tenus par un grand nombre de responsables politiques français quand on les compare à un vaste échantillon du français moderne comportant 30 millions de mots, tous étiquetés. Les chiffres et les dates servent à donner aux discours un ancrage dans le temps, la réalité économique et sociale. Une illustration est donnée avec V. Giscard d'Estaing (1974-1981) comparé aux cinq autres présidents de la République entre 1958 et 2012.

International audience ; This case study demonstrates that electoral speeches possess specific characteristics. We give the example of Stephen Harper's speeches, given during the 2008 elections, which differ from those delivered when he was prime minister. The electoral speech is more socially anchored. It values the nation. When he is campaigning, S. Harper also uses the pronoun "we" more frequently, so that he does not appear as the main decider of collective choices. Compared with governmental speeches, electoral speeches are also less theoretical and more action orientated as indicated by the predominance of verbal over nominal groups. The very frequent presence of the negative construction and the use of opponents' names highlight the polemic character of electoral speeches. ; Cette étude de cas démontre que le discours électoral possède des caractéristiques propres. On donne l'exemple de Stephen Harper dont les discours tenus lors des élections de 2008 se différencient de ceux qu'il a prononcés à titre de chef de gouvernement. Le discours électoral est plus ancré socialement. C'est aussi un discours qui valorise le collectif national : le locuteur privilégie l'emploi du «nous», plutôt que de se présenter comme principal responsable des choix collectifs. Comparativement aux discours gouvernementaux, le discours électoral est aussi moins abstrait et plus orienté vers l'action, comme l'indique la prédominance du groupe verbal sur le groupe nominal. La forte présence de la construction négative et la désignation des adversaires (noms propres) soulignent le caractère polémique du discours électoral.

International audience ; This case study demonstrates that electoral speeches possess specific characteristics. We give the example of Stephen Harper's speeches, given during the 2008 elections, which differ from those delivered when he was prime minister. The electoral speech is more socially anchored. It values the nation. When he is campaigning, S. Harper also uses the pronoun "we" more frequently, so that he does not appear as the main decider of collective choices. Compared with governmental speeches, electoral speeches are also less theoretical and more action orientated as indicated by the predominance of verbal over nominal groups. The very frequent presence of the negative construction and the use of opponents' names highlight the polemic character of electoral speeches. ; Cette étude de cas démontre que le discours électoral possède des caractéristiques propres. On donne l'exemple de Stephen Harper dont les discours tenus lors des élections de 2008 se différencient de ceux qu'il a prononcés à titre de chef de gouvernement. Le discours électoral est plus ancré socialement. C'est aussi un discours qui valorise le collectif national : le locuteur privilégie l'emploi du «nous», plutôt que de se présenter comme principal responsable des choix collectifs. Comparativement aux discours gouvernementaux, le discours électoral est aussi moins abstrait et plus orienté vers l'action, comme l'indique la prédominance du groupe verbal sur le groupe nominal. La forte présence de la construction négative et la désignation des adversaires (noms propres) soulignent le caractère polémique du discours électoral.

International audience ; This case study demonstrates that electoral speeches possess specific characteristics. We give the example of Stephen Harper's speeches, given during the 2008 elections, which differ from those delivered when he was prime minister. The electoral speech is more socially anchored. It values the nation. When he is campaigning, S. Harper also uses the pronoun "we" more frequently, so that he does not appear as the main decider of collective choices. Compared with governmental speeches, electoral speeches are also less theoretical and more action orientated as indicated by the predominance of verbal over nominal groups. The very frequent presence of the negative construction and the use of opponents' names highlight the polemic character of electoral speeches. ; Cette étude de cas démontre que le discours électoral possède des caractéristiques propres. On donne l'exemple de Stephen Harper dont les discours tenus lors des élections de 2008 se différencient de ceux qu'il a prononcés à titre de chef de gouvernement. Le discours électoral est plus ancré socialement. C'est aussi un discours qui valorise le collectif national : le locuteur privilégie l'emploi du «nous», plutôt que de se présenter comme principal responsable des choix collectifs. Comparativement aux discours gouvernementaux, le discours électoral est aussi moins abstrait et plus orienté vers l'action, comme l'indique la prédominance du groupe verbal sur le groupe nominal. La forte présence de la construction négative et la désignation des adversaires (noms propres) soulignent le caractère polémique du discours électoral.

International audience ; Presentation of the corpus of the interventions by Jacques Chirac during his two presidencial terms (1995-2002 and 2002-2007): the different modes of communication, description of the vocabulary, especially the most used words. There is a stability of J. Chirac's communication over the 12 years and a considerable weight of Europe in the main themes. But what meaning did J. Chirac give to this word? To answer this question, we reconstruct the network of associations, oppositions and substitutions that links this word to the other terms of the corpus. The main characteristics of this universe show that President Chirac had a distanced attitude towards the "construction of Europe". ; Présentation du corpus des interventions de J. Chirac durant ses deux présidences (1995-2002 et 2002-2007) : poids des différents modes de communication, description du vocabulaire, vocables les plus utilisés. On constate une stabilité de la communication sur les 12 ans et un poids considérable de l'Europe dans les principaux thèmes. Mais quel sens donnait J. Chirac à ce mot ? Pour répondre à cette question, on reconstitue le réseau d'associations, d'oppositions et de substitutions qui relie ce mot aux autres vocables du corpus. Les principales caractéristiques de cet univers montrent que le président Chirac avait une attitude distanciée vis-à-vis de la "construction de l'Europe".