Suchergebnisse

Liberal education and liberal democracy / Daniel E. Cullen -- Political science and civic education / James W. Ceaser -- Jefferson's failed vision of education as a constitution of liberty / Stephen Wirls -- Civic education and economic liberty / Yuval Levin -- Educating for national security -- Jakub grygiel -- Liberal education, civic responsibility and patriotism / Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr. -- Educating for citizenship : problems and prospects / Wilfred McClay -- Liberal education, politics, and the problem of freedom / Donald Downs -- What's so liberal about the liberal arts? / Robert P. George -- A dirge for the liberal arts, a defense of western civilization, and a prescription for teaching patriotism / John P. Agresto.

Why should leaders of polities, as representatives of citizens, be required to apologise and make reparations for deeds committed in the historical past? Assumptions commonly made by liberals about the scope of responsibility and the duties of citizens make this question difficult to answer. This paper considers some unsuccessful attempts within a liberal framework to defend obligations of reparation for historical injustices and puts forward an account based on the lifetime-transcending interests of citizens.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Liberalism today has perhaps more supporters and adversaries than any other political movement. This volume traces liberalism's global ascent through essays about some of the thinkers and actors who participated in its rise and spread. The essays included here present for the first time in one place the geographic and ideological diversity of liberal thought and practice as it developed since the eighteenth century. By exploring thinkers as diverse as Montesquieu, Abraham Lincoln, Jacob Burckhardt, Khayr al-Din, Hu Shih, John Rawls, and Czeslaw Milosz, this volume contributes toward a better understanding of liberalisms past and present. Each chapter opens with a critical passage from the author under consideration and explores the author's significance for liberalism. By facilitating a direct encounter with influential authors and texts, the volume serves as an introduction both to the multiple dimensions of liberalism and to reading texts in political thought. By engaging with particular liberal moments, the essays allow readers to create and explore conversations among liberalisms across time and space. It thus encourages a broader and more nuanced understanding of the nature and history of liberalism. Stimulating, accessible and interdisciplinary, Liberal Moments will appeal to students and scholars in the history of political thought, intellectual history and beyond.

"Liberalism has been one of the leading incarnations of political thought for the past two centuries and it was also the first form of political theory to acquire a truly global reach. This volume examines the work of the most pivotal thinkers in the liberal tradition, starting with Montesquieu and proceeding to a wide range of authors from the French Revolution to the present. The book is distinctive in encompassing the wide spectrum of views historically encompassed by liberalism, revealing its geographical as well as intellectual scope by including conceptions of liberalism formed in Latin America, the Middle East and Asia. Twenty-four chapters cover thinkers including Madame de Stael, Alexis de Tocqueville, Abraham Lincoln, John Stuart Mill Ahmad Faris al-Shidyaq, John Dewey, Hu Shih, Hannah Arendt and John Rawls. Each chapter offers a commentary on a short critical passage from the author concerned. Essayists use their chosen passage to explore the meaning and significance of the author's work for both the historical tradition of liberalism and for political thought more generally. The book is organized chronologically, building up a richly detailed overview of the tradition of liberalism and its key writings. The book will be an indispensible companion to courses on liberal thought, on political ideologies and on the history of political thought and will be of interest to students and scholars of politics, philosophy and history. "--

"This article presents and assesses the thesis that a shift in the character of governing elites and leaders has been occurring in several important liberal democracies during recent years. Ascendant elites are more leonine and top leaders are more pugnacious. We attribute the shift to strong centripetal pressures that now impinge on elites and leaders, and we ask about the shift's consequences for the Operation of liberal democracies." (author's abstract)

Dick Hamer was the Australian reformer who made Victoria a leader in social equality, the arts, and the environment. He and his government built the underground rail loop, decriminalized homosexuality, abolished capital punishment, and outlawed sexual discrimination in the workplace. Hamer and his team ended the demolition of the inner suburbs, preserved the best of the state's buildings and landscapes, and set aside large areas of diverse ecosystems as national parks. Hamer was a different kind of politician. He was intelligent, fair-minded, courteous, and hard-working, and governed with the

Zusammenfassung
Die Beziehung zwischen den Liberalen (im europäischen Sinne) und dem Staat ist eines der ambivalentesten Probleme der modernen Geschichte. Dieses Problem kann nicht ohne die zurückliegenden Erfahrungen mit totalitären Regimen diskutiert werden. Einige radikale Liberale, die sich Libertäre nennen, betrachten den Staat als ihren natürlichen Feind. Aber sie müssen zugeben, daß Verhaltensregeln anerkannt und wirksam gemacht werden müssen, um Chaos und irrationale Anarchie zu vermeiden. Selbst diese Libertären müssen also einige gemeinsame Werte akzeptieren, unabhängig von dem intraliberalen Meinungsstreit über die Bedeutung von politischen Verfahren und Ergebnissen.
Freie Gesellschaften können sich ebenso wie ein gesunder menschlicher Körper in erheblichem Umfang selbst regulieren, aber beide sind darin nicht unter allen Umständen perfekt. Kann der Staat in diesen Fällen als Therapeut nützlich sein, mindestens in Notfällen? Der Autor diskutiert begrenztes Wissen einer Regierung, Widerstände gegen vernünftige politische Vorschläge, die Aufgabe von Aufklärung und richtiger Information und die soziale Funktion des Staates überhaupt. Eine totale Selbstregulierung der rechtlichen und institutionellen Entwicklung durch spontane Prozesse wird als mangelhaft und mindestens nicht hinreichend bezeichnet.
Gleichwohl muß die konzentrierte und gefährliche Macht des Staates so weit wie möglich rechtlich gebunden und so weit, wie das sinnvoll ist, beschränkt werden. Eine totale Privatisierung aller Staatsfunktionen ist jedoch irrational. Während des 19. Jahrhunderts wurde der Staat allmählich sowohl mehr freiheitlich als auch in seinen Befugnissen eingegrenzt und deshalb effizienter und potenter. Das veranlaßte die herrschenden Kräfte, die militärischen und politischen Katastrophen des 20. Jahrhunderts herbeizuführen. Aber nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg war eine gewisse Rückkehr zu liberalen Grundsätzen sowohl unvermeidbar als auch erfolgreich. Dies war das Ergebnis sowohl einer Rückkehr zu einigen gesunden Prinzipien der liberalen Vergangenheit als auch der Anwendung einiger Konzepte, die von den Liberalen zur Reform des Staates entwickelt worden waren.