The main point of this work concerns basic premises and its interrelation of liberalism: doctrines of human rights, moral individualism and state neutrality. Locke's and Dworkin's liberal conceptions help to reveal the deep structure of liberal mind, its inconsistence and limitation. There are identified Protestant world-view and Renaissance humanism as a fundamental sources of liberal ideas. Individual and its autonomy is revealed as a central idea of liberal politics. There are shown substancial differences between early and contemporary liberal mind.
The main point of this work concerns basic premises and its interrelation of liberalism: doctrines of human rights, moral individualism and state neutrality. Locke's and Dworkin's liberal conceptions help to reveal the deep structure of liberal mind, its inconsistence and limitation. There are identified Protestant world-view and Renaissance humanism as a fundamental sources of liberal ideas. Individual and its autonomy is revealed as a central idea of liberal politics. There are shown substancial differences between early and contemporary liberal mind.
The goal of the work is to demonstrate that a typical new brand market introduction strategy can be successfully applied to the election campaign of a new political power (party). The objectives of the work are as follows: analyze the brand concept; examine consumer commodities brand development process and elements; analyze new brand consumer commodities' promotion complex strategies: public relation, advertisement, personal sales and sales incentive means; analyze brand development process and elements of new political powers – liberal democratic and labour parties; examine market introduction promotion strategies of newly developed liberal democratic and labour parties: public relation, advertisement, personal sales and sales incentive means. Applying scientific literature analysis, comparative analysis and document analysis it can be stated that in the modern-day consumer culture political powers become like commodities subjected to selling and therefore newly developed political parties, seeking to ensure successful election results have to respect and act in accordance with political marketing requirements. A successful political party of today is a party "ready for consumption" having an effective promotion strategy the main target of which is to prepare the "commodity" for consumption: successfully introduce the political party into the market taking into account growing consumer society-like habits of the electors. Upon introduction into the market new political parties the form of the introduction takes the first place, therefore the brands of the political parties are developed on the basis of brand development elements of consumer commodities' brands; as well as newly created political; powers are introduced to the electros by applying promotion complex elements: public relation, advertisement, personal sales and sales incentive means.
The goal of the work is to demonstrate that a typical new brand market introduction strategy can be successfully applied to the election campaign of a new political power (party). The objectives of the work are as follows: analyze the brand concept; examine consumer commodities brand development process and elements; analyze new brand consumer commodities' promotion complex strategies: public relation, advertisement, personal sales and sales incentive means; analyze brand development process and elements of new political powers – liberal democratic and labour parties; examine market introduction promotion strategies of newly developed liberal democratic and labour parties: public relation, advertisement, personal sales and sales incentive means. Applying scientific literature analysis, comparative analysis and document analysis it can be stated that in the modern-day consumer culture political powers become like commodities subjected to selling and therefore newly developed political parties, seeking to ensure successful election results have to respect and act in accordance with political marketing requirements. A successful political party of today is a party "ready for consumption" having an effective promotion strategy the main target of which is to prepare the "commodity" for consumption: successfully introduce the political party into the market taking into account growing consumer society-like habits of the electors. Upon introduction into the market new political parties the form of the introduction takes the first place, therefore the brands of the political parties are developed on the basis of brand development elements of consumer commodities' brands; as well as newly created political; powers are introduced to the electros by applying promotion complex elements: public relation, advertisement, personal sales and sales incentive means.
Universality of taxation in the liberal state was widely associated with 'impartial' taxation of goods (ad rem taxation). Consequently, the liberal state relied on indirect taxation which was opaque for the economic situation of a taxpayer and ensured formal equality of taxpayers only. Due to suspiciousness, in the first period of the liberal state direct taxation was not the subject for development and used instruments inherited from Ancien regime with some interim adjustments, such as 'class tax'. Because of relying on ad rem taxation, the liberal state was suffering the gap of immaterial assets taxation, in particular financial capital taxation. This situation resulted in social tensions in rapidly industrialising societies. Eventually, the gap was filled with the universal income tax. This change marks the beginning of the end of the liberal state. In the second direction taxation was recognised as the main source of liberal state resources. Although, following the tradition of liberal thought it was required to link taxes with state services. This led to very specific understanding of citizenship in the liberal state - taxation was linked to political powers (voting rights) in quid pro quo manner. In the third direction the liberal state was aimed at restricting sovereign powers and taxation clauses found their places in constitutions of the liberal state.
Universality of taxation in the liberal state was widely associated with 'impartial' taxation of goods (ad rem taxation). Consequently, the liberal state relied on indirect taxation which was opaque for the economic situation of a taxpayer and ensured formal equality of taxpayers only. Due to suspiciousness, in the first period of the liberal state direct taxation was not the subject for development and used instruments inherited from Ancien regime with some interim adjustments, such as 'class tax'. Because of relying on ad rem taxation, the liberal state was suffering the gap of immaterial assets taxation, in particular financial capital taxation. This situation resulted in social tensions in rapidly industrialising societies. Eventually, the gap was filled with the universal income tax. This change marks the beginning of the end of the liberal state. In the second direction taxation was recognised as the main source of liberal state resources. Although, following the tradition of liberal thought it was required to link taxes with state services. This led to very specific understanding of citizenship in the liberal state - taxation was linked to political powers (voting rights) in quid pro quo manner. In the third direction the liberal state was aimed at restricting sovereign powers and taxation clauses found their places in constitutions of the liberal state.
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and pluralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberalization, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and pluralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberalization, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and pluralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberalization, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.
The main task of this article is to analyze complex relations between post-communism and democracy. More specifically, it aims to understand the interaction of two different forms of society: holistic and pluralistic. The article argues that post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter ego of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. The reflection of triple relations is necessary for the autonomy of post-communism. The relationship between post-communism and communism is analyzed as the problem of post-totalitarianism, between post-communism and liberalism as the problem of democratic liberalization, and between post-communism and postmodernism as the problem of pluralisation of pluralism.
The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodology, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibility of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domination, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each individual person.
The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodology, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibility of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domination, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each individual person.
The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodology, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibility of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domination, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each individual person.
The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodology, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibility of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domination, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each individual person.
