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International cooperation is listed on the Constitution of the United Nations of 26 June 1945. Itsobjective is to find solutions to difficult economic, social, cultural, security, post-war to savepeace. It has expanded from the multilateral to the bilateral form, covering all areas of activitieson all continents, including Africa in the 1960s with its plurality of actors. The Cold War, whichwill keep the world on guard until 1991, will make this cooperation an important strategy for itsactors, whom, on behalf of their interests and preferences, will use it at will by putting all theirinfluence. Thus the African scene, during the Cold War up to the present day, will be thepreferred place of influence on cooperation. French cooperation will promote its linguistic spacebefore deploying across the continent, in a geopolitical strategy with the Ministry of InternationalCooperation in 1961, and later the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the institutional base. In thisspace of the French technical assistance, the largest military matters remained with the sport inperfect minnows. The actions also cover other areas, economic, political, social, includingBurkina Faso, the main research field and a good example in terms of Africa. This research dealswith the French cooperation in its original sport. On a liberal approach theoretical framework andmethodology to qualitative data, it analyzes the evolution of African international cooperationfrom 1960 to 2010. Its results provide a picture of African cooperation shifted from bilateral tomultilateral with some complementarity. Cooperation actions are limited by international andlocal interests with their influences constant, the successes and failures. Finally it is a continentwith its economic difficulties, social, political, democratic learning difficult, but a human willpresent well to its growth and progress. ; La coopération internationale est inscrite sur l'acte constitutif de l'Organisation des Nations Unies du 26 juin 1945. Moyen d'échange et de dialogue entre acteurs ...

Relevance of the survey. Interculturality and intercultural education from the approach of changes in the conception of nationality has become an important part within the context of the process of globalisation. In order to understand contemporary social processes and cultural differences, it is necessary to analyse meanings, attributed to the phenomenon of the globalisation. It is one of the most common objects of political, economic and cultural research as well as terms of the contemporary politics and science. Analysis of the change of cultures and expression of differences covers the study of scientific literature on themes of the global transformation, industry of cultures, cultural globalisation, inequality, sociology as well as anti-globalisation. It is important that the globalisation often functions as the synonym for this phenomenon: strive for the liberal policy in the world economics, the growing domination of life forms of the Western politics, economics as well as the culture; spread of new technologies, unified society, where the most important causes of the main social conflicts are eliminated (Scheuerman, 2010). Analysis of Lithuanian and foreign scientific literature revealed explanations of the concept of culture as well as attitudes, allowing stating that today different conception of the culture exists, when the order destruction becomes the norm, ensuring transformations. The culture is linked with the idea of the constant place, giving the meaning for life via aims, the totality of generalised factors, rules of behaviour, heritage, communication, social practices and ethos. The revealed reasons of the cultural change within the context of globalising world supposes the conclusion, that the culture, under circumstances of globalisation, refuses own structures and overtakes other, based on links, homogenisation, reduction of the range dimension, constant process and cultural changes. [.]

International audience ; Constructing the united Nation's Norm in recent years, important political events have brought researchers in political sciences and com munication to work more explicitly with each other. the last Un General assembly, in September 2011, has confirmed the relevance of such a convergent perspective. Until now, academic research has not questioned the communicational dimension of inter national organizations taken as a highly complex phe nomenon. and yet, the Un is a perfect foundation for examining bordering topics such as authority and new mechanisms of political deliberation, decision and legitimization. Guillaume Devin defines interna tional organizations as meeting points between coo perative behaviour systems and constraining rules. this institutionalization process depends on three kinds of resources - legal, functional and also symbolic. their interdependence is the subject of this contribution, and more precisely the extent to which communi cational processes have become crucial in building and perpetuating what we would call the Un norm. our intellectual purpose is modest and questions the conditions of communication analysis in the field of international organizations. Taking inspiration from liberal institutionalism and constructivism schools in in ternational relations, this research examines the voca tion of these schools of thought to reveal their analytic potential by maintaining a dialogue with information and communication sciences, especially the theory of communicative action, rhetoric and discursive analysis. a multilateral construction of universalism that rests on procedural resources and values the consecration of multilateralism just after the Second World War was based on two presuppositions. First, it would be a specific discourse about values presumed as universal and indivisible, all of them concerning humanity as a whole. thus, this crucial contribution to the international relations civilization process has always been based on a highly normative judge ment. ...

In establishing an egalitarian society in India which is based on liberty , equality and fraternity and social justice,Ambedkar, the great Indian Constitution maker, struggled to find out avenues and means – intellectual, organizational and in terms of programmes throughout his life. This study attempts to throw light on Ambedkar's quest for socialism in India with special reference to Marxism and Buddhism. He accepted the concept of class struggle but he felt that in the Indian set up, it had to be substantially redefined and ascribed a similar agenda to the Buddha and agreed that one of the major contradictions of capitalism was the social basis of its production in contrast to private appropriation. He criticized Marxism for subscribing to economic determinism, for its inadequate grasp of liberal democracy, for its inability to adequately understand the realm of ideologies and for considering moral values as historically conditioned. Though Ambedkar described his scheme of economic organization of the Indian society as state socialism, in view of its other features, we believe it appropriate to identify it democratic socialism. Moreover, collective farming , one of the major features of his model of democratic socialism, needs to be thoroughly reconsidered as it lacked viability. It is somewhat inconceivable how he could achieve socialism by eliminating socio-economic inequality without undermining the basic economic foundation of society on which the system of inequality was founded. The inability to resolve this contradiction ultimately led Ambedkar to find solace in Buddhism, with an attempt to present its teachings 'in a new light to suit modern class realities'. In fact, Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism was a 'self-deception' and channeled the whole movement of workers and peasants led by him into 'reactionary and metaphysical conceptions'.

It has become almost obligatory for any published analyses of diasporas in global politics to begin with a section that offers conceptual clarification. Building on what is by now several decades of scholarship on the subject, authors generally commence with a nod toward the fact that diaspora is a "contested" concept. They then move on to a more or less systematic accounting of their understanding of this concept, using it as a springboard to explain specific aspects of diaspora politics, be it the emergence of diaspora networks working almost seamlessly across borders to effect changes in their homeland or, more recently, the involvement of states in institutionalizing their relationship with their diasporas. Notwithstanding the copious attention devoted to parsing out the subtleties and nuances of this concept, it is however striking that much of the scholarship on the role of diasporas in global politics has converged around a curious and curiously flattening account of what it means. Curious, because regardless of their initial point of departure, the analyses often ultimately veer toward some sort of celebration of the potential of diasporas. On the one hand, there are the more mainstream narratives that add diasporas to the burgeoning mix of nonstate/civil society actors challenging and pushing entrenched state actors in the direction of a more liberal global order. On the other hand, there are more self-consciously critical narratives that hail diasporas for exposing the limitations of the nation-state form, the inherent instability of the hyphen that connects the nation to the territorial state, thereby challenging us -- the students of IR, presumably -- to rethink the realm of the international. Adapted from the source document.

One year before the election, it seemed as if the era of the SPD as the dominant political force in Berlin was over. The Greens, led by Renate Kunast, prepared to come in first; however, during the campaign their electoral support decreased considerably. This was due to Renate Kunast's temper and to the problems of the "catch-all party" strategy, which the campaign management had chosen. The SPD gained ground with a strictly personalized "feel-good"-campaign, while the Left party failed to convince the voters and struggled with the negative headlines the federal party was facing. The CDU communicated a new, more liberal image to the voters, while the Berlin FDP could not contrast the negative image of its federal party with an own positive image. In the last weeks before the election, the Pirates, a new party, entered the political stage. The SPD remained the strongest party, followed by the CDU, the Greens underachieved considerably but surpassed the Left party, the FDP failed to jump the five percent hurdle and the Pirates entered the state parliament. The electoral behaviour of the social groups did not change considerably. Klaus Wowereit left his competitors behind in numerous relevant voter orientations, the SPD, however, did not have a lead over the other parties concerning all policy competences. After the election, the formation of a red-green coalition seemed to be a given. Yet, the SPD aborted the coalition negotiations because the party leadership argued that the Greens were not reliable enough to secure a stable government on the basis of a slim majority. The following coalition negotiations with the CDU went fairly smoothly and Klaus Wowereit was re-elected as head of the new SPD-CDU government. Adapted from the source document.

One of the first steps taken by the newly elected Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government was to initiate a review of the national strategy of the United Kingdom. The review culminated in October 2010 in the publication of a revised National Security Strategy as well as a new Strategic Defence and Security Review. With the benefit of over twelve months of hindsight, this article is concerned with the formulation, the implementation and the longer-term implications of the 2010 strategy review. The first part of the article assesses the review as a national strategic plan. What were the strategic challenges addressed by the review, what decisions, judgements and misjudgements were made, and what was overlooked? In part two the authors turn to operational matters: how far was the UK's post-review strategic experience (i.e. in Afghanistan and Libya) consistent with the decisions and promises made in 2010? Part three discusses the review as a public statement of national policy, gauging the impression it has made on the national strategic narrative since 2010: how was the review received, what reputation has it acquired and what was/is the quality of the debate surrounding it? Finally, in part four the article asks what the 2010 review and its aftermath reveal of the formulation and implementation of national strategy in the United Kingdom. Was the 2010 review simply the latest in a long series of attempts by government to find a convincing and durable compromise between security challenges and national resources? Or was the review the beginning of something different altogether? Could UK national strategy henceforth be more of an adaptive, iterative process than a compressed period of analysis and reflection followed by the publication of a policy statement with an inevitably brief shelf-life?. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)

International audience ; Constructing the united Nation's Norm in recent years, important political events have brought researchers in political sciences and com munication to work more explicitly with each other. the last Un General assembly, in September 2011, has confirmed the relevance of such a convergent perspective. Until now, academic research has not questioned the communicational dimension of inter national organizations taken as a highly complex phe nomenon. and yet, the Un is a perfect foundation for examining bordering topics such as authority and new mechanisms of political deliberation, decision and legitimization. Guillaume Devin defines interna tional organizations as meeting points between coo perative behaviour systems and constraining rules. this institutionalization process depends on three kinds of resources - legal, functional and also symbolic. their interdependence is the subject of this contribution, and more precisely the extent to which communi cational processes have become crucial in building and perpetuating what we would call the Un norm. our intellectual purpose is modest and questions the conditions of communication analysis in the field of international organizations. Taking inspiration from liberal institutionalism and constructivism schools in in ternational relations, this research examines the voca tion of these schools of thought to reveal their analytic potential by maintaining a dialogue with information and communication sciences, especially the theory of communicative action, rhetoric and discursive analysis. a multilateral construction of universalism that rests on procedural resources and values the consecration of multilateralism just after the Second World War was based on two presuppositions. First, it would be a specific discourse about values presumed as universal and indivisible, all of them concerning humanity as a whole. thus, this crucial contribution to the international relations civilization process has always been based on a highly normative judge ment. ...

Since freeing itself from the autocratic control of the former Communist regime, the republic of Tajikistan has confronted numerous problems of underdevelopment which threaten to sink the republic in a new wave of authoritarianism and misery. Implementing democratic reforms aimed at modernizing a developing country requires a cadre of competent and professionally trained public administrators who understand and are committed to basic democratic values and sound administrative principles. Unfortunately, such a cadre does not now exist in Tajikistan and no educational program has yet been introduced to develop such a cadre. The answer does not lie in attempting to transfer a model of public service education developed in a liberal democracy such as the United States to a still-developing country such as Tajikistan. It is for this reason that the presented study seeks to develop options for educational curriculum for public administrators in Tajikistan that is simultaneously well suited to the unique characteristics of Tajikistan's social and political institutions and the special challenges faced by developing countries in general. It is expected that the results of the study will have significant positive impacts as Tajikistan seeks to develop its capacities and transition successfully from autocracy to democracy. It is hoped that the options for educational curricula developed in this study will encourage Tajikistan's national universities to implement graduate level degree programs in public administration. Tajikistan will benefit from the study in the short-term through the development of its human capital and in the long-term through the study's contribution to the establishment of democracy, greater economic prosperity, and greater personal security for its citizens. If prospective public administrators can be well-trained in the best practices of public administration, the positive impacts for society will be truly significant.

International audience ; Constructing the united Nation's Norm in recent years, important political events have brought researchers in political sciences and com munication to work more explicitly with each other. the last Un General assembly, in September 2011, has confirmed the relevance of such a convergent perspective. Until now, academic research has not questioned the communicational dimension of inter national organizations taken as a highly complex phe nomenon. and yet, the Un is a perfect foundation for examining bordering topics such as authority and new mechanisms of political deliberation, decision and legitimization. Guillaume Devin defines interna tional organizations as meeting points between coo perative behaviour systems and constraining rules. this institutionalization process depends on three kinds of resources - legal, functional and also symbolic. their interdependence is the subject of this contribution, and more precisely the extent to which communi cational processes have become crucial in building and perpetuating what we would call the Un norm. our intellectual purpose is modest and questions the conditions of communication analysis in the field of international organizations. Taking inspiration from liberal institutionalism and constructivism schools in in ternational relations, this research examines the voca tion of these schools of thought to reveal their analytic potential by maintaining a dialogue with information and communication sciences, especially the theory of communicative action, rhetoric and discursive analysis. a multilateral construction of universalism that rests on procedural resources and values the consecration of multilateralism just after the Second World War was based on two presuppositions. First, it would be a specific discourse about values presumed as universal and indivisible, all of them concerning humanity as a whole. thus, this crucial contribution to the international relations civilization process has always been based on a highly normative judge ment. ...

Every U.S. President has maintained and crafted a prescriptive set of policies with which they conduct international affairs. All Presidents have left their historical mark- what they believe to be America's position in the world, and its commensurate role. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the world transformed as America achieved international hegemony as the sole superpower and subsequent victor of the Cold War. However, many today question U.S. primacy shifting the debate toward questioning if and how America should act in the world. Barack Obama's foreign policy eludes the confines of a single political ideology and philosophy. After being elected President, Barack Obama was bequeathed several entrenched problems (e.g. the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Great Recession), and encountered new ones along the way (e.g. the Libyan intervention, Arab uprisings). A rhetorical analysis of his major speeches, beginning with several of his campaign speeches and ending at the present time, elucidates that his foreign policy is largely shaped by three major International Relations philosophical frameworks. This Capstone thesis contends that Obama's rhetoric- i.e. speeches, foreign policy writings, books, addresses, and educational background- about America's position and subsequent role in the world today indicates that his foreign policy is a combination of Liberal Internationalism, Constructivism, and Institutionalism (LICI). They have overlapping features that reaffirm each other's validity, and all are substantiated further by several subcategories. The subcategories this paper draws upon to illustrate how Obama's rhetoric reflects and, in many ways, constructs his foreign policy are: Pragmatism, Progressivism, Cosmopolitanism, Soft-power and global engagement, and multilateralism. Obama's rhetoric is indicative of what he believes America's role in the world could be, and should be.

At first a cultural oddity, reality television is now a cultural commonplace. These quasi-documentaries proliferate on a wide range of network and cable channels, proving adaptable to any audience demographic. Across a variety of types of "reality" offerings, narratives of adjudication replete with "judges," "juries," and "verdicts"-abound. Do these judgment formations simply reflect the often competitive structure or subtext of reality TV? Or is there a deeper, more constitutive connection between reality TV as a genre and narratives of law and adjudication? This article looks beyond the many "judge shows" popular on reality TV (e.g., Judge Judy') to examine the law-like operations of the genre itself, and how legal narratives dovetail with the increasingly participatory nature of our "convergence culture." In addition, this article examines how these shows constitute community and the role of the legalized subject within that community. How does the prevalence of images of judges and judging on reality TV fit into previous notions that media audiences empathize with legal processes by identifying with an "on-screen" jury, embodying shared, democratic decision-making? Do these shows play on pop cultural narratives of conflicts between judges (within the show) and juries (the viewing audience)? Finally, do such shows empower spectators by engaging them in democratic "knowledge collectives," or instead act as a neo-liberal "technology of governmentality"? Ultimately, through its enactment of a range of adjudicatory and quasi-legal narratives, reality TV emerges as a highly regulatory space. Law is a compelling narrative for recirculation in a contemporary media culture marked by contestations of authority and community, as the interrelationships between cultural producer, text, and cultural consumer shift and are redefined.

There is a growing Co-operative Education sector in England with in the region of 300 schools now describing themselves as Co-operative Schools. The growth of this sector is subject to significant debate – is it a countervailing movement for local democracy or is it simply another chain of schools that will hasten the marketisation of education? This article draws on the relatively limited extant literature on the history of co-operative education since the 1850s to understand the key traditions of 'Co-operative Education'. Then, drawing upon an analysis of Co-operative Schools' websites and meetings, upon interviews with Co-operative College officers, and upon visits and interviews with teachers in two Co-operative Schools, it explores how these traditions are being taken up or resisted in Co-operative Schools in England. The article argues that there is a risk that the autonomy that is at the heart of the Co-operative movement may lay the growing Co-operative Schools sector open to co-option within existing neo-liberal education agendas. The article argues that an important bulwark against this would be for the Co-operative movement to focus its energies in particular on the development of a movement of Co-operative educators, the teachers, parents, students and governors who, through what Woodin calls a 'learnt associational identity', can resist the reduction of education to a marketised private good. This analysis has implications not only within the context of England, but more widely in the international struggle to develop new models of democratic accountability for education in an increasingly marketised environment, and for the potential role of the international co-operative movement within that global struggle.

Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as "Liberal Peace"). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations. Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey's influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.