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This paper gives the outline of an argument for the viability and desirability of an antifoundationalist approach to human rights and liberalism. The conception of normativity which frames my argument stands on the intuition, central in the second Wittgenstein and in the American pragmatist tradition, that accepting the ultimate circularity of our justifications does not condemn us to the corrosive consequences of radical scepticism. The conception of liberalism I prospect is centred on the deliberative democratic ideal that the best way to live with difference and conflict is to subordinate decisions of collective interests to public deliberation, which equally respects everybody's freedom and dignity, and maintains its outcomes and principles open to revision. I will argue that an anti-foundationalist conception of normativity is the most suitable for the fuller realisation of this deliberative democratic ideal, and that a society inspired by this ideal creates the most favourable conditions for the fuller flourishing of human potentialities in any area of life. I will also point out that a volitional and discursive conception of normativity enables us to focus our efforts on the concrete political and moral obstacles to the creation of a free and equal society, thus enabling us to release the tensions between the universalistic claims of human rights and democracy and the particularistic claims of recognition raised by different cultural groups.

The 1920s were crucial in the history of Italian politics & in the life of Benedetto Croce, whose theories on liberalism reached great fame during this period. During the government led by Giovanni Giolitti, Croce was nominated Minister of Education & he became famous not only for his commitment to promote school system reform, but also for his innovative ideas on liberalism & his strong ideas on freedom of religion. He refined his theories analyzing liberalism in the context of relations between ethics & politics, emphasizing his dislike of any dangerous form of ethical state & outlining the relationship between liberism & liberalism. M. Williamson

This paper analyses the connections between Bagehot's Conservative liberalism and his evolutionary conception of the English Constitution. According to Bagehot, the solidity of the British constitutional system rests on the coexistence of two factors, the «government by discussion» (for the few) and the «deference» (by the people for the elite) in the social and political life of the Country. In his essay Physics and Politics, Bagehot asserts that the poise between the principle of political freedom and that of «legality» is the result of a lucky and rare evolutionary itinerary, which has enabled England to be a solid and dominant nation. The advance of democracy in the mid Victorian period threatens to blow up the balance achieved between change and continuity. For Bagehot, the danger is that democracy risks killing a «legality» based on «deference», and that death of deference risks killing a freedom based on «government by discussion».

In this essay the author chooses to develop the stimulating & intricate theme of liberal socialism from the perspective of cultural-political reviews. After a short reference to the forerunners, like John Stuart Mill & Leonard Hobhouse, the author illustrates the rebirth of a meeting proposal between liberalism & socialism in the middle of the twenties of the last century. With regard to this, beside Carlo Rosselli's notes, the contributions of Arturo Labriola & Guido De Ruggiero come out respectively in "Critica Sociale" & "La Rivoluzione Liberale." The author underlines the newness of these attitudes starting from Labriola's theories. Labriola thinks that the right time has come for the socialism to deliver its teaching from what he calls the "asiatic heritage," which exerted its influence on socialist doctrine by a choking & centralizing collectivism conditioning the individual to coercive institutions as "clan," "caste," "State," &, after 1917, the "one party system." The Italian scholar opposes to this heritage, belonging to the Eastern culture & society, the Western political tradition based on man's rights & freedom. Guido De Ruggiero's contribution -- though almost unknown to scholars -- originates from British political situation & develops in a meaning of liberty that trespasses on territory of equality creating the fundamental concept of his proposal: the "equality of opportunity." However the "equality of opportunity," needs a particular version of liberalism & socialism because it can be carried out only if liberalism is open to social action, a "new liberalism" as De Ruggiero calls it. By this way socialism cannot be Marxist & collectivist, because of freedom requirements. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

Il presente lavoro di ricerca si propone di discutere il contributo che l'analisi dell'evoluzione storica del pensiero politico occidentale e non occidentale riveste nel percorso intellettuale compiuto dai fondatori della teoria contemporanea dell'approccio delle capacità, fondata e sistematizzata nei suoi contorni speculativi a partire dagli anni Ottanta dal lavoro congiunto dell'economista indiano Amartya Sen e della filosofa dell'Università di Chicago Martha Nussbaum. Ci si ripropone di dare conto del radicamento filosofico-politico del lavoro intellettuale di Amartya Sen, le cui concezioni economico-politiche non hanno mai rinunciato ad una profonda sensibilità di carattere etico, così come dei principali filoni intorno ai quali si è imbastita la versione nussbaumiana dell'approccio delle capacità a partire dalla sua ascendenza filosofica classica in cui assume una particolare primazia il sistema etico-politico di Aristotele. Il pensiero politico moderno, osservato sotto il prisma della riflessione sulla filosofia della formazione che per Sen e Nussbaum rappresenta la "chiave di volta" per la fioritura delle altre capacità individuali, si organizzerà intorno a tre principali indirizzi teorici: l'emergenza dei diritti positivi e sociali, il dibattito sulla natura della consociazione nell'ambito della dottrina contrattualista e la stessa discussione sui caratteri delle politiche formative. La sensibilità che Sen e Nussbaum mostrano nei confronti dell'evoluzione del pensiero razionalista nel subcontinente che passa attraverso teorici antichi (Kautylia e Ashoka) e moderni (Gandhi e Tagore) segna il tentativo operato dai teorici dell'approccio delle capacità di contrastare concezioni politiche contemporanee fondate sul culturalismo e l'essenzialismo nell'interpretare lo sviluppo delle tradizioni culturali umane (tra esse il multiculturalismo, il comunitarismo, il neorealismo politico e la teoria dei c.d. "valori asiatici") attraverso la presa di coscienza di un corredo valoriale incentrato intorno al ragionamento rintracciabile (ancorché in maniera sporadica e "parallela") altresì nelle tradizioni culturali e politiche non occidentali. ; This research discusses the importance of the analysis of the history of political thought (in both Western as well as non-Western thought forums) for the theory of the capabilities approach as founded and theorised by Amartya Sen (economist at the Harvard University) and Martha Nussbaum (philosopher of law at the University of Chicago). It will examine the impact of the history of political theory in Sen's work which has been strongly influenced by the research of a close alliance between economics and ethics, but this contribution will also examine the most important fields of research of Nussbaum's own version of the approach that finds its origins in the Ancient Greek and Roman political thought and especially in Aristotle's ethical and political system. Ideas and institutions regarding education and lifelong learning philosophy have been chosen as a "prism" in order to study the three Western pillars of political theory which are mostly considered by Sen and Nussbaum and in particular: the emergence of the lexicon of positive and social rights; the debate around the nature of citizenship in the contractualist theory and the very debate around educational policies. Furthermore, this work aims to analyse Sen's and Nussbaum's endeavour to overcome the culturalist and essentialist conceptions championed especially in the contemporary political thought by considering the importance of non-Western legacies and heritage of political argumentation and reflection about politics in India's political philosophy both in the ancient (Kautylia and Ashoka) and contemporary (Gandhi and Tagore) thought. Among these contemporary theories in political philosophy, the normative critique of Sen and Nussbaum faces especially multiculturalism, communitarianism, neorealism as well as the theory of "asian values" by remembering the very existence of political reflection in arenas of thought "other" than the West.

Con il referendum del 23 giugno 2016 il Regno Unito ha sancito la propria uscita dall'Unione Europea (UE), con una maggioranza del 51,9%. È illuminante, alla luce di questo avvenimento per certi versi inaspettato, rileggere il discorso che Margaret Thatcher – primo ministro britannico dal 1979 al 1990 – tenne al Collegio d'Europa di Bruges, nel settembre del 1988. La Lady di Ferro, come riconobbe lei stessa nell'attacco del proprio discorso, è sempre stata di-pinta come un'accanita antieuropeista. Eppure, sin dai primi passaggi rimuove questo falso mito, riconoscendo i britannici come eredi della cultura europea, con legami potenti con il continente Europa, e rievocando le dominazioni romana, celtica, sassone, danese, normanna e angioina. Passa poi a riconoscere il profondo legame tra la cultura britannica e quella europea, vedendo la rule of law come portato del pensiero classico e medioevale europeo e della cristianità. A questo proposito è singolare la frase in cui la Thatcher unisce la fede cristiana, l'individualismo e il credo britannico nella libertà personale e negli altri diritti umani. Figlia di un droghiere metodista, la donna che ha sconfitto i sindacati, al punto da convincere anche i Laburisti che fosse ora di liberarsi della loro influenza, sembrerebbe una che è andata all'opposto delle origini metodiste. Eppure, quel pizzico di non-conformismo di Maggie che ha plasmato il partito conservatore in maniera non reazionaria – a differenza di altri partiti di destra in altri paesi – forse deriva dal nonconformismo religioso in cui è stata cresciuta. Le scelte politiche da lei compiute erano difficili da collocare o prevedere. Ne hanno fatto le spese tanti: dai generali golpisti argentini ai minatori in sciopero ai tanti uomini del suo partito che mal tolleravano una donna nel loro club per gentlemen. La Thatcher dal padre aveva ereditato la convinzione che la vita esigesse una disciplina: «mi ha insegnato che prima devi stabilire in cosa credere e poi devi metterlo in pratica. Nelle cose che contano il ...

In this essay, I examine Domenico Losurdo's treatment of Hegel, Marx, Engels, and Nietzsche with the aim of unearthing his critical entanglements with liberalism. I will argue that Losurdo's reflections on these thinkers betray a deeper ambivalence towards liberalism. This ambivalence ranges depending on which of the four thinkers is under Losurdo's microscope. By closely engaging with Losurdo's treatment of Hegel, Marx, and Nietzsche, one leaves with a deeper grasp of these individual thinkers and the political implications of their respective philosophies. In much the same way, Losurdo's work encourages readers to interrogate their own attitudes towards liberalism's dialectic of emancipation and de-emancipation. The main difference about liberalism today is that it is under renewed attack from a variety of political quarters. Consequently, Losurdo's critical entanglements with liberalism could not have come at a better time. Losurdo; Liberalism; Hegel; Marx; Engels; Nietzsche; Classical German Philo-sophy.

This study examines Thatcherism as an attempt to change the values and the political culture of United Kingdom using economy as a tool. From the perspective of political theory this specific case arouse great interest and the different compounds that made this transformation possible, in particular the "battle of ideas" and the role of political leadership, should be examined with great care. Thatcherism offers a new perspectives to interpret conservatism and liberalism, and to reshape those political theories in order to cope with a series of new problems. In this analysis there are some observations about the relationship between political theory and ideology and between market and democratic theory. Finally Thatcherism is analysed using the concept of biopolitics elaborated by Foucault.

L'obiettivo del saggio è confrontare le politiche di austerità dei governi Thatcher e quelle di alcuni governi europei di oggi. Infatti, la situazione del Regno Unito alla fine degli anni Settanta è per molti aspetti simile a quella di molte economie europee attuali: crisi di produttività e crescita, peggioramento dei conti pubblici, scarsa fiducia nei policymakers. In questo saggio si cerca di dimostrare che l'austerità espansiva (ossia il taglio all'imposizione fiscale e alla spesa pubblica) abbia funzionato sia nel caso dei governi guidati da Margaret Thatcher sia per quei pochi paesi dell'Ue che l'hanno scelta quale via d'uscita dalla crisi. ; https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272739872_Thatcherismo_e_austerita

L'articolo mira a esaminare, ed elaborare, i diversi livelli di contenuto presenti nel saggio del 1949 di Claude Lévi-Strauss "Guerre et commerce chez les Indiens de l'Amérique du Sud", tradotto in italiano per la Rivista. Più specificamente, del saggio lévi-straussiano si indagano: la dimensione estetico-letteraria, che testimonia di un tratto peculiare della sensibilità e dell'approccio intellettuale dell'Autore; il contenuto propriamente antropologico, ma il cui valore scientifico e gli esiti teorici non hanno lasciato indifferenti le altre scienze umane e sociali; e, infine, le implicazioni filosofiche - giuridiche e politiche - delle questioni ivi trattate.

The essay is an overview of libertarian literature. It begins dealing with lexical issues concerning the meaning of liberalism, classical liberalism, conservatism and libertarianism. There are two meanings of libertarianism: a large one, as a free market oriented liberalism, and a strict one, as an extreme classical liberalism which calls in question the State as the main enemy of liberty. Novelist Ayn Rand is one of the main sources for contemporary libertarian theory, although she never called herself libertarian. Murray N. Rothbard is the most important libertarian thinker; he was an "austrian" economist and a natural law theorist who considered free market as the social institution capable to satisfy every human need, security and justice included. In response to rothbardian society without a State, Robert Nozick exposed a minarchist position, in favour of a minimal State limited to the function of protecting individual rights. This distinction between anarchism and minarchism is a crucial one for libertarian theory. The most interesting current literature is that in rothbardian, natural law and natural rights style. There is also an italian libertarian literature, including works of political theory, philosophy of law, environmentalism and history.

The article analyses the fundamental traits of Italian liberalism in the second half of the 19th century. Based on the unique understanding and welding together of different theoretical models (English, French, German), Italian liberalism has been building a "politics of mediation", directly connected to the new parameters of the political-social sciences. The main goal is that of neutralising political conflict, in its more extreme manifestations, with respect to a liberal order that seeks to preserve and defend itself from any risk that might creep into the fabric of democracy.