Suchergebnisse

In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.

In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's thesis is that in the 19th century, Croatia was going through a process of liberalization parallel & similar to that in the rest of Europe. The liberal idea in its political & economic forms played a major role in the platforms of the leading Croatian politicians of the time. The staunchest adversaries of liberalism were the top ecclesiastical echelons. Political liberalism received a mortal blow in 1918, while economic liberalism was smothered by the planned economy after 1945. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author, who sees himself primarily as a "long-time practitioner," thinks that government policies in Croatia have failed to achieve national consensus & boost the economy. To find a way out of the present situation, an agreement among the major political & economic forces is essential. In the economy, the author -- in accordance with the HSLS program -- advocates liberalization of exports, fast denationalization & restitution, a ban on further capitalization & the free granting of company shares, & traditional budgeting & cutting down on government subsidies in the economy. Adapted from the source document.

The informal economy is today the reality of all countries in the world, including both those in transition & the developed ones, but to a varying degree. The author makes special reference to the situation in the Russian Federation, discusses some policy options for reducing the informal economy. The author argues that the implementation of the basic aim -- the policy of reintegration of the grey economy into legal system -- is through rounding-off a market-oriented economic order, full protection of property, implementation of the policy of macroeconomic stability, stable exchange rate, foreign trade liberalization & the development of financial markets. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

The 1960s were the historical climax of the "Yugoslav experiment" (Rusinow). They began with a crisis of stability of the existing Stalinist system, the model of which was barely altered, and of the autocratic activity of SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia). The process consisted of three stages: 1) 1962-1963: Tito's project of overcoming the crisis through a radical, but inconsistent de-Stalinization in the programme of social self-government (assembly system with a functional representation), and economic and social reforms, with reliance on the trade union and the League of Communists as the main instruments of economic and political subjectivization of the working class; but on the basis of the Leninist model of the Party, strengthening of party unity and discipline, and suppression of the federative component. 2) 1966: failure of the project, and beginning of a new course; self-critical avowal of SKJ leaders that SKJ itself, dominated by political police, was the main obstacle to the de-Stalinization process; period of economic liberalization, political democratization and pluralization of intellectual life; Tito's compromise with the prevalent coalition of republics' leaderships, with reliance on the leadership of the League of Communist of Croatia; federalization of the League of Communists (Ninth Congress of SKJ in 1969) and of the state (1971-1974), and Tito's struggle for political survival (1966-1972). 3) Tito's political confrontation with the leaderships of the League of Communists of Croatia (1971) and of Serbia (1972), and the end of the decade of political and economic liberalization, of some sort of polycentric poliarchy system. The result of the denouement: the SKJ crisis from the early 1960s was not resolved, but stabilized through a structural compromise in the organization of the League of Communists and of Yugoslavia as a federation, with Tito as political arbiter; and historical regression of social, political and intellectual life caused by unsuccessful transformation of the inherited type of Bolshevik Party into a Marxist and democratic League of Communists. Adapted from the source document.

Nemogućnost dobivanja vozačke dozvole jedno je od važnih pitanja koja u osoba s epilepsijom vrlo negativno utječe na osjećaj kvalitete življenja. Međutim, jasno je da postoji veliki rizik od izazivanja prometne nezgode ako vozač dobije epileptički napadaj za vrijeme vožnje. Razlike u zakonskoj regulativi kojom se određuje jesu li osobe s epilepsijom sposobne upravljati motornim vozilima vrlo su velike između različitih država, u rasponu od potpune zabrane do kratkog intervala bez napadaja od samo tri mjeseca, kao npr. u nekim državama u SAD-u. Tijekom posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća u svjetskim razmjerima došlo je do znatnog napretka u otklanjanju neodgovarajućih restrikcija prilikom ostvarivanja prava na vozačku dozvolu u osoba s epilepsijom. Trend liberalizacije zasniva se na rezultatima istraživanja koji pokazuju da je rizik za sigurnost u prometu prihvatljiv ako se upravljanje motornim vozilima dopusti osobama s dobro kontroliranom epilepsijom. Čini se da će se sadašnji trend liberalizacije nastaviti, no potrebno je istovremeno provođenje kliničkih studija kojima će se nadgledati utjecaj liberalizacije propisa na sigurnost u prometu. ; The ability to drive is one of the greatest concerns of people with epilepsy (PwE) with a considerable impact on their quality of life. However, it is clear that there is a great risk of causing a traffic accident if a seizure occurs while a person is driving. There are great differences in legislations, which determine whether people with PwE are able to drive; they go from a complete ban in some countries to the seizure free interval of only three months that is required in some USA states. In the past few decades a great progress has been made in declining inappropriate restrictions for PwE in realizing their needs regarding driving. The trend of liberalization is based on the results of studies, which show that the risk for the public safety in traffic is acceptable, if individuals with well controlled epilepsy are allowed to drive. It seems that the current trend of liberalization will continue, but in the future, further clinical studies will be needed, which would be designed to monitor the influence of the liberalized regulations on traffic safety.

Croatia is the only postcommunist country in which the process of democratic transition coincided with the process of creating the state by means of a war. These three processes are in a special interaction: the transition enabled the realization of the state-building program, which triggered off the war, which, in turn, jeopardized the completion of both projects. The author illustrates the dynamics of the political changes in Croatia since the 1980s, which started with the liberalization of political life & continued with two stages of democratic transition, before & after gaining independence. The Serbian insurgency &, later, open aggression have somewhat hampered the transition & brought about the "ethnification"of politics. In closing, the author analyzes the pattern of the creation of democratic institutions, which has been, in both stages (before & after the 1990 elections), under the control of the ruling political party. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses the position of the Scandinavian welfare state model in the Scandinavian partisan system and the electoral corps. He proceeds from the Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states and shows how the Scandinavian model stands out from other countries by the principles of universality, solidarity and level of taxation and by insistence on full employment. Insights of historical institutionalism suggest a corporatist nature of decision-making in Scandinavia and a strong influence of interest groups formed due to the class splits. It is shown that the tripolar structure of the partisan system is characterized by stability and persistence. Research shows the parties' slight tendency to reduce the welfare state, but also the existence of ideological differences on the issue of liberalization. Attitudes of the electorate, on the other hand, show a stable support of the welfare state and an increase of skepticism toward a comprehensive state apparatus. An expansive welfare state seems to be the raison d'etre of Scandinavian politics. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses the position of the Scandinavian welfare state model in the Scandinavian partisan system and the electoral corps. He proceeds from the Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states and shows how the Scandinavian model stands out from other countries by the principles of universality, solidarity and level of taxation and by insistence on full employment. Insights of historical institutionalism suggest a corporatist nature of decision-making in Scandinavia and a strong influence of interest groups formed due to the class splits. It is shown that the tripolar structure of the partisan system is characterized by stability and persistence. Research shows the parties' slight tendency to reduce the welfare state, but also the existence of ideological differences on the issue of liberalization. Attitudes of the electorate, on the other hand, show a stable support of the welfare state and an increase of skepticism toward a comprehensive state apparatus. An expansive welfare state seems to be the raison d'etre of Scandinavian politics. Adapted from the source document.

This article reconstructs and interprets Bakaric's views on the causes of reproduction of extensive economic development in Yugoslavia in the historical context. Emphasis is put on Bakaric's political-economic criticism of the ideology and practice of Yugoslav socialism. His research into the causes of the economic structure's lack of balance and the consequences thereof starts from the etatist relations of production, which were the basic framework and an insurmountable obstacle to the possibility of their liberalization. He found the causes of imbalance in the bureaucratic relations and in the basic motives of the governing stratum to ensure -- through incessant new big investments -- mass employment, improvement of the standard of living, additional influx to the budget and preservation of the monopoly of party power. A long process of gradual, slow and uneven development of self-government in an unequally developed multiethnic community did not make it possible to break out of the vicious circle. Frequent normative and organizational changes concealed constant political debates and conflicts regarding budget distribution and fiscal solidarity among the republics and regions. Bakaric was critical towards the governing stratum, which focused on distribution instead of fulfilling prerequisites for far-reaching changes of the economic and social system, and this resulted in a general crisis and in the collapse of the Yugoslav model of socialism. Adapted from the source document.

The assumption is that expansionary monetary policy is good for reducing unemployment, and vice versa. In this context, the status of monetary policy is defined, which is called monetary conditions. For this, the IFIS Financial Conditions Index published by the Institute of Economics, Zagreb, was used as a synthetic indicator of the state of numerous monetary variables (27 variables). By analysing the movements of restrictive and expansionary monetary conditions presented by the IFIS index and the unemployment rate conducted in this paper, it can be concluded that there is a strong link between the index of macroeconomic monetary conditions and unemployment in Croatia. This relationship operates with a time lag of one year, i.e., a change in monetary conditions leads to a change in the overall unemployment rate after one year. Although there is a link between monetary conditions and youth unemployment, it is weaker because youth unemployment is significantly influenced by other factors. These are primarily emigration after Croatia's accession to the European Union and liberalization of the labour market. ; Pretpostavka je da ekspanzivna monetarna politika pogoduje smanjenju nezaposlenosti, a vrijedi i obrnuto. U tom kontekstu definiran je status monetarne politike koji se naziva monetarnim uvjetima. Za to je korišten indeks financijskih uvjeta IFIS koji objavljuje Ekonomski institut, Zagreb, kao sintetički pokazatelj stanja brojnih monetarnih varijabli (27 varijabli). Analizom kretanja restriktivnih i ekspanzivnih monetarnih uvjeta prikazanih IFIS indeksom i stope nezaposlenosti koja je provedena u ovom radu, može se zaključiti da postoji jaka veza između indeksa makroekonomskih monetarnih uvjeta i nezaposlenosti u Hrvatskoj. Ta veza djeluje s pomakom od godinu dana, odnosno promjena monetarnih uvjeta dovodi do promjene u ukupnoj stopi nezaposlenosti nakon godinu dana. Iako postoji veza i između monetarnih uvjeta i nezaposlenosti mladih, ona je slabija jer na nezaposlenost mladih značajnije utječu drugi ...

The text provides an overview and evaluation of the strategy and tactics of Croatian politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The analysis focuses on the historical Tenth Session of CK SKH (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia) held in 1970, which defined Croatian politics with regard to economic and social reform, as well as to centralist unitarism and Croatian nationalism. The Tenth Session was conceived and held on the initiative of Vladimir Bakaric, a great figure and a veteran of Croatian politics, who was the uncontested master of Croatia from the end of the war to 1969. With the fall of Rankovic (1966), the symbol of "neo-Stalinist centralism, bureaucratism and Great-Serbian hegemonism", one of the principal obstacles to modernization and democratization of Yugoslav communism was removed. The finest advocates of economic and political liberalization of the regime, of decentralization and of a stronger position of the republics were Bakaric and his disciples, an intelligent and well-educated generation of communists (Tripalo, Dabcevic-Kucar, Pirker). They are the ones who would eventually become symbols of the struggle against the Party's dogmatic conservatism and Stalinist voluntarism. The author puts forward a series of elements which make it possible to understand how the political career of this generation of dynamic and popular politicians, recognized and successful representatives of socialist democracy and national equality, came to a tragic end marked by accusations of flirting with chauvinism, of using "neo-Stalinist" methods against opponents and colleagues, and of attempting to establish a quasi-fascist state, in which the dictatorial rule of the clique of (former?) communists and nationalists, in alliance with the new middle class of managers and "technocrats", would be masked by socialist rhetoric and pseudo-mobilization of the masses deluded by nationalism into believing that members of some other nation are to blame for all problems. Adapted from the source document.

Dobrotvorni rad varaždinske mladeži u prve dvije ratne godine bio je pod potpunom kontrolom službenih vlasti. Svodio se na sakupljanje novčanih priloga potrebnih za zbrinjavanje ratnih stradalnika, priređivanje priredaba humanitarnog karaktera te na prikupljanje odjeće i deficitarnih sirovina. U njegovoj organizaciji i realizaciji sudjelovali su učenici i prosvjetni djelatnici svih varaždinskih pučkih i srednjih škola ovisno o svojim mogućnostima. Tijekom posljednje dvije ratne godine u Austro-Ugarskoj monarhiji je nastupila liberalizacija društvenog i političkog života. To je omogućilo obnavljanje rada varaždinskog Akademskog ferijalnog kluba Tomislav koji je ubrzo ponovno razvio suradnju sa srednjoškolskom, posebno sa gimnazijskom mladeži. Sve do kraja svjetskog rata, uslijedilo je razdoblje intenzivnog političkog i kulturno-prosvjetnog djelovanja koje je organizirano kroz formu masovnih pučkih javnih predavanja i koncerte Tomislavovog pjevačkog zbora i orkestra priređivane u Varaždinu i selima njegove okolice. Sredstva prikupljena na ovim manifestacijama bila su, između ostalog, namijenjena pomaganju ratnoj siročadi, udovicama i obiteljima poginulih vojnika, invalidima i međimurskim učenicima na školovanju u Varaždinu. Nacionalna svijest stanovništva, ovim je aktivnostima bila usmjeravana prema rušenju postojećeg režima i traženju novog načina rješavanja nacionalnog pitanja unutar južnoslavenske zajednice. ; bsolute control of the authorities. Their activity came down to collecting money for aiding casualties of war, organizing humanitarian events as well as collecting clothes and scarce materials. The organization and realization of the mentioned activities was performed by students and teachers from all public elementary and high schools in Varaždin to the best of their abilities. During the last two years of the war, Austria-Hungary experienced a liberalization of social and political life. This fact led to a reactivation of the Varaždin Academic Youth Club Tomislav, which soon revived its cooperation with high-school students, especially Gymnasium students. Until the end of the world war, what followed was a period of intense political, cultural and educational activity organized through mass public lectures as well as concerts performed by the Tomislav choir and orchestra in Varaždin and nearby villages. The profit earned through those events was intended for helping orphans, widows and families of the soldiers killed in action, war invalids and students from the Međimurje region who were schooled in Varaždin. The mentioned events were aimed at raising the national awareness of the population and overthrowing the regime, i.e. finding a new way of solving the national issue within the South Slavic community.