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Machine generated contents note: Introduction: Ethnic Separatism in Asia: What Lies Ahead?--R. Wirsing PART I: SOUTH EAST ASIA Thailand: Southern Discomfort: Separatist Conflict in the Kingdom of Thailand--I. Storey Myanmar/Burma: Resolving the Burmese Imbroglio: A Multilateral Solution?--M. Malik Philippines: Manilas Mindanao Muddle--V. Watson Indonesia: Letting Go to Hold On--A. Smith PART II: SOUTH ASIA Pakistan: Ethnic Separatism in Balochistan: Tribal Turbulence on the Energy Corridor--R. Wirsing India: Nation and the Spirals of Insecurity: How the State Responds to Ethnic Separatism in Indias Northeast--S.K. Das India &--Pakistan: Dangerous Place: Kashmiri Separatism in a Disputed Territory--R. Wirsing Sri Lanka: Managing Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Going Beyond LTTE--S.Akhtar PART III: EAST ASIA China: Retribution &--Retaliation: Uyghur Separatism &--Chinese Security in Xinjiang--E.Davis China: Tibet: At the Crossroads of Ethnic Nationalism &--Geopolitical Realism--P.Smith PART IV: PACIFIC ISLANDS Papua New Guinea: The Melting Pot: Ethnicity, Identity &--Separatism in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea--J.Rolfe Conclusion: Ethnic Separatism in Geopolitical Perspective--E.Ahrari

Сделана попытка выявить возможности решения языковых проблем, учитывая языковую и концептуальную картины мира. ; Statement of the problem. Political will as extralinguistic factor, which is embodied in language policy could destroy linguistic unity when it becomes an obstacle to national self-determination is contrary to the interests of the new communities and their ruling elites. The current language situation in Ukraine is the result of a long war against the national identity and nationhood. It happened on the territory of Yugoslavia, where former Serbo-Croatian linguistic unity evolved towards disintegration, ie the formation of two separate languages. If there is no clear policy choices, the language itself as a communication tool and a form of culture can be a factor of national unity. The aim of the paper is identify ways to overcome the language problem, given the linguistic and conceptual world view. Conclusions. Currently, modern society is multi-ethnic and is creating multilingual requires dialogue. If the majority guarantees the rights and freedoms of minorities, including the right to meet their linguistic and cultural interests and the minority in turn respect the right of the majority to conduct their own cultural and linguistic policy, then there is harmony in the society. If tolerance to the needs of each level of government may build a civil society.

Statement of the problem. Political will as extralinguistic factor, which is embodied in language policy could destroy linguistic unity when it becomes an obstacle to national self–determination is contrary to the interests of the new communities and their ruling elites. The current language situation in Ukraine is the result of a long war against the national identity and nationhood. It happened on the territory of Yugoslavia, where former Serbo–Croatian linguistic unity evolved towards disintegration, ie the formation of two separate languages. If there is no clear policy choices, the language itself as a communication tool and a form of culture can be a factor of national unity. The aim of the paper is identify ways to overcome the language problem, given the linguistic and conceptual world view.Conclusions. Currently, modern society is multi–ethnic and is creating multilingual requires dialogue. If the majority guarantees the rights and freedoms of minorities, including the right to meet their linguistic and cultural interests and the minority in turn respect the right of the majority to conduct their own cultural and linguistic policy, then there is harmony in the society. If tolerance to the needs of each level of government may build a civil society. ; Сделана попытка выявить возможности решения языковых проблем, учитывая языковую и концептуальную картины мира. ; Зроблено спробу виявити шляхи подолання мовної проблеми, враховуючи мовну та концептуальну картини світу.

Statement of the problem. Political will as extralinguistic factor, which is embodied in language policy could destroy linguistic unity when it becomes an obstacle to national self–determination is contrary to the interests of the new communities and their ruling elites. The current language situation in Ukraine is the result of a long war against the national identity and nationhood. It happened on the territory of Yugoslavia, where former Serbo–Croatian linguistic unity evolved towards disintegration, ie the formation of two separate languages. If there is no clear policy choices, the language itself as a communication tool and a form of culture can be a factor of national unity. The aim of the paper is identify ways to overcome the language problem, given the linguistic and conceptual world view.Conclusions. Currently, modern society is multi–ethnic and is creating multilingual requires dialogue. If the majority guarantees the rights and freedoms of minorities, including the right to meet their linguistic and cultural interests and the minority in turn respect the right of the majority to conduct their own cultural and linguistic policy, then there is harmony in the society. If tolerance to the needs of each level of government may build a civil society. ; Сделана попытка выявить возможности решения языковых проблем, учитывая языковую и концептуальную картины мира. ; Зроблено спробу виявити шляхи подолання мовної проблеми, враховуючи мовну та концептуальну картини світу.

В работе описывается практика политического представительства этнических групп в региональных органах государственной власти Республики Дагестан, где в целях обеспечения общественно-политической стабильности и федеральный центр, и республиканское руководство стараются сохранить межэтнический баланс при распределении властных позиций. ; The article describes the practice of political representation of ethnic groups in regional government authorities in the Republic of Dagestan where in order to provide social and political stability both the federal center and the republic's authorities try to preserve inter-ethnic balance when distributing power positions.

Textbooks play a critical role in representing and fixing the desired view of society and of intergroup relations in the minds of future generations. As such, textbooks crystallize and translate into a pedagogical form existing dynamics involving the complexity of knowledge and the dominant ideological representations of ethnic or international relations. Studies of teachers' use of textbooks show that teachers tend to rely heavily on textbooks when teaching less familiar topics, particularly topics dealing with international aspects and dimensions of education.

Ethno-cultural stereotypes are the result of comparing one´s own culture, customs, traditions with that of strangers, identifying and fixing differences between the cultures of ethnic groups. Stereotypical images of different peoples exist even in the minds of those people who had no experience in communication with representatives of these ethnic groups. However, the results of the study of ethnic stereotypes of people who are in direct contact with this ethnic group and see it up close in comparison to people who evaluate it from a distance, often raises more questions than gives clear answers. The solution of these questions raises before the researcher a whole complex of methodological problems. The article will introduce a new methodological approach to reveal ethno-cultural stereotypes in the text culture and in our contemporaries' common sense perception. To distinguish between people's individual perception of a particular ethnos and collective stereotypes, the following qualitative and quantitative criteria are suggested: 1) bipolar orthonormal core axes of parameter distribution; 2) the significance of the axis; 3) the degree of consistency of parameters distributed on the axis; 4) the weighting coefficient of testee's reaction.

The fixing of the disputed Polish-German border in Upper Silesia by referendum in 1921 has generally stood in a second rank behind other dramatic and difficult episodes of peacemaking and stabilization. Set in calmer times, the phenomenon of 1.2 million voters deciding whether their region would belong to one state or the other might reasonably rate as a remarkable event. Indeed, the German plebiscite victory in the face of an actual majority of "ethnic" Poles, the ensuing paramilitary war (May to July 1921), and the eventual partition of the province provide ample historical drama.

This paper focuses on the specific research situation in the ethnically & linguistically highly heterogeneous southwest of Burkina Faso. It points out the methodical & empirical implications & limits of multiethnic research. Fieldwork in a multiethnic village is marked by a latent ethnic bias, eg, that arising from the choice of residence & language made by the ethnographer. The author argues that an approach that takes into consideration the perspective of the different ethnic groups can counterbalance those problems. Furthermore, the adoption of a multiethnic approach has advantages in dealing with questions of collective identity. The comparison of self & foreign perceptions of the Phuo -- one of the ethnic groups in the southwest of Burkina Faso -- reveals the complementary & contrary views about identity & coexistence. Three examples -- ritual aspects of l& rights, the Dyoro initiation cult & the association as a modern cultural & political resource -- show the strategies of selected Phuo for reinforcing their collective identity & boundaries. A new quality in this process of negotiation & boundary drawing is the fixing of formally variable historical events & social conditions in written form, in which the ethnographer becomes equally engaged. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe London Conference (1912–1913) of the ambassadors of the six European great powers, the Triple Entente of France, Russia and Britain, and the Triple Alliance (or Triplice) of Germany, Austria and Italy, was initially convened in an attempt to impose a settlement on the belligerents of the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 to prevent the Balkan conflict from escalating into a general European war. As part of this effort, the ambassadors had responsibility for delimitating Albanian+ boundaries. They decided to do this on the basis of ethnography, which for them meant language, specifically the mother tongue of the population or the language spoken within the family. However, the great powers were not entirely committed to these ethnic objectives and compromised them according to their own political interests, espousing ethnographical arguments only when they supported or reinforced their own strategic ones. This paper studies the socalled 'fixing' of Albanian frontiers during the Conference and subsequent boundary commissions. It examines the interests involved, arguments used and the problems faced. Furthermore, it discusses the reasons for the settlements. It evaluates the ethnographical basis of the frontiers established, and considers the resumption of Albanian frontier discussions during the First World War (1914–918) and at the Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920). The paper argues that the 'fixing of Albanian frontiers' promoted the objectives of the six European powers, as opposed to the ethnographic dimensions as professed.

Warna tradisi telah wujud melalui beberapa penceritaan mitos berdasarkan peristiwa yang berlaku pada zaman dahulu dan diturunkan secara lisan. Pewarnaan alam iaitu bersumberkan alam semula jadi telah dipergiatkan dalam kalangan etnik di Sabah khususnya dalam kraf tangan. Justeru, pelbagai metode dan campuran bahan alam diadunkan bagi menghasilkan pelbagai warna mengikut tempat dan etnik yang mendukungnya. Objektif kajian ini tertumpu kepada eksplorasi tumbuh-tumbuhan yang berpontensi dalam penghasilan warna dalam kegiatan batik di Sabah. Dalam penyelidikan ini, eksperimentasi dilakukan secara sistematik yang melibatkan proses awal sehingga akhir untuk mendapatkan eksperimen warna. Bahan-bahan dalam eksperimen ini melibatkan tekstil, bahan alam dan bahan penguncian (pemati) warna. Eksperimen ini melalui tiga tahap, iaitu bermula dengan proses mordanting, mengekstrak bahan alam dan penguncian warna (fixing). Penyelidik seterusnya menjalankan uji kaji terhadap zat warna tumbuhan terhadap kesan warna yang terhasil pada tesktil (kain). Bahan penguncian (pemati) warna yang digunakan adalah seperti tawas (Al2SO4), tunjung (FeSO4) kapur (CaCO3), sodium silicate, daun betik dan limau nipis. Penyelidikan melalui Research and Development (R&D) diusahakan untuk membantu penyelidik dan penggiat seni agar mengetahui sejauh mana tahap kualiti warna alami dalam kajian ini dapat dijadikan produk yang berpotensi dalam bidang pewarnaan.

The tradition colour has come through several historical stories based on events that have occurred in ancient times and passed down orally. The natural colour from natural resources has been intensified among ethnic groups in Sabah, especially in handicrafts. Hence, various methods and mixes of natural resources are blended to produce a variety of colours according to the places and ethnicities that support them. The objective of this study is focused on the exploration of plants that have the potential to produce natural colour for batik in Sabah. In this research, experiments were performed systematically involving the initial process until the final process for obtaining colour experiment. The main materials on this experiment are textiles, natural resources and fixing colour. The experiment is conducted through three stages, starting with the mordanting process, extracting natural resources and fixing the colour. The researchers then conducted experiments of natural colour on the colour effects produced on the textile. The fixing colour that has been used such as tawas (Al2SO4), tunjung (FeSO4), kapur (CaCO3), sodium silicate, papaya leaves and lime. Research through Research and Development (R&D) is aimed at assisting researchers and artistic activists to find out the quality of natural colour in this research can be used as potential products in colouring field.

This article critiques the widely accepted official label 'Culturally and Linguistically Diverse' (CALD), used in Australia to refer mainly to Australia's non-Indigenous ethnic groups other than the English-speaking Anglo-Saxon majority. Our main contention is that it is a racialised and racialising label that perpetuates institutional racism, providing a conceptual excuse for legitimising privilege and altruistic governmentality over minority groups, while inferiorising and projecting these groups as an analogous population who need 'fixing'. The article draws on the sociological construct of labelling, through which we analyse the framing of CALD people in the literature as 'deviants' using Black African Migrants in Australia as exemplars. We propose that CALD labelling is counterproductive because it hinders social integration, divides people into 'us and them', homogenises, blurs particular lived experiences and needs, and ignores intersectional issues.

Objectives: This study aims to determine the qualification of the statute of two indigenous peoples residing in Crimean peninsula (Crimean Karaites and Krymchaks) in conditions of current interstate conflict.Materials and Methods: Coherent analysis was made according to the common principles of law, norms of international human right law, to the provisions of Ukrainian and Russian legislation and to the present scientific publications devoted to the history and ethnic origin of Crimean Karaites and KrymchaksResults: Author proved the duty of Ukraine to finish the procedure of official recognizing the Krymchaks and Karaites as the indigenous peoples (with the procedure in analogy for parliamentary Statement on Crimean Tatar People's statute on March 20, 2014) and to adopt the Law on the Status of Indigenous Peoples fixing the prescriptions of the UN Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples on the principles of subsidiarity.Conclusion: collective political, economic, social and cultural rights of indigenous peoples must be defended despite any politic and military circumstances an situations of interstate conflict.

There are several countries who have responded to concerns regarding historically disadvantaged groups, particularly ethnic and racial minorities and women, with not only anti-discrimination legislation, but also affirmative action policies. Although these policies are seemingly well intentioned, there continues to be little consensus about their actual impact. This paper seeks to examine the current state of the literature on one specific affirmative action policy, political reservation in India. The Indian constitution mandates seats be reserved at various levels of government for political representation of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women. This paper discusses the existing inequalities across these groups, along with the basic theory behind political reservation in fixing these inequalities, while also recognizing that theory provides many channels through which affirmative action policy can impact a variety of outcomes. Thus we turn to the vast empirical literature on the topic to shed light on what can be learned from the Indian context and how future policy can be reformed and shaped based on these experiences.

International audience ; [The geography of population of Iraq is severely disrupted since the military conquests of Daech. To understand the current situation, it is important to re-ahead on the history of Iraqi territory in its international-ly recognized boundaries and why Iraq is, originally, a multi-religious and multi-ethnic state. The most often cited idea is to see it as the result of decisions imposed from without fixing the borders. This is not true. Geopolitical events of the early twentieth century, including the consecutive developments in the First World War, are essential to the border geography of the Middle East. However, it should not be limited to the Sykes-Picot but also take into account geopolitical developments in the US and Franco-British negotiations which took part in the Clemenceau and Lloyd George in 1920.In addition, the multi-religious and multi-ethnic character of Iraq is not only related to the borders selected in 1920, but also the fruit of a history much an-CIENNE territories that make up this country, a story that explains dissemination of religions of the book but also recounts many divergent theological choices within first of Christianity and Islam, emphasizing the choice multi-religious character. In all, Iraq is a multi-religious and multi-ethnic country, not only because of a territorial division imposed from outside but also from its own history.] ; La géographie du peuplement de l'Irak est profondément bouleversée depuis les conquêtes militaires de Daech. Pour comprendre la situation actuelle, il importe de re-venir sur l'histoire du territoire irakien dans ses délimitations reconnues internationale-ment et de savoir pourquoi l'Irak est, à l'origine, un État pluri-religieux et pluriethnique. L'idée la plus souvent avancée consiste à y voir le résultat de décisions imposées de l'extérieur fixant les frontières du pays. Ce n'est pas faux. Les événements géopolitiques du début du XXe siècle, et notamment les évolutions consécutives à la Première Guerre mondiale, sont ...