Suchergebnisse

Die Geschichte der Koalition "Možemo - Zagreb je naš" (Nova ljevica, Neue Linke - ORaH, Zelena alternativa - Održivi razvoj Hrvatske, Grüne Alternative und Für die Stadt, Za grad) hinter Tomislav Tomašević's Wahl zum Bürgermeister der Stadt Zagreb am 30. Mai 2021

The author describes Thomas Jefferson's life from his birth to his death. The paper focuses on his place & role in the creation & the formation of the US & the hardships accompanying that process. Multiple links of Thomas Jefferson with the European political scene of his time are depicted. Adapted from the source document.

The perceptions of science by the Croatian public & the political elite are a combination of scientific-technological optimism, the exemption of science from social responsibility, the skepticism regarding the speed of changes that science brings into people's lives, & a mixture of cognitive realism & optimism, & the reservations towards the cognitive possibilities of science. Also, the perceptions of science by the public & by the elite differ significantly. The public perceptions link modernism & traditionalism, confidence & a lack of it in the socially responsible role of science (& technology). Politicians nurture three different views of science. The first view implies both the beneficial & the neutral social role of science. The second view implies the reservations of the elite regarding the humanistic social role of science & its cognitive power, while the third way links the cognitive limitations of science & the skepticism regarding the way in which it changes the traditional way of life. The perception of science by the public depends on the social composition, while the politicians' views are significantly influenced by their political worldview & orientations & party allegiance. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The perceptions of science by the Croatian public & the political elite are a combination of scientific-technological optimism, the exemption of science from social responsibility, the skepticism regarding the speed of changes that science brings into people's lives, & a mixture of cognitive realism & optimism, & the reservations towards the cognitive possibilities of science. Also, the perceptions of science by the public & by the elite differ significantly. The public perceptions link modernism & traditionalism, confidence & a lack of it in the socially responsible role of science (& technology). Politicians nurture three different views of science. The first view implies both the beneficial & the neutral social role of science. The second view implies the reservations of the elite regarding the humanistic social role of science & its cognitive power, while the third way links the cognitive limitations of science & the skepticism regarding the way in which it changes the traditional way of life. The perception of science by the public depends on the social composition, while the politicians' views are significantly influenced by their political worldview & orientations & party allegiance. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes two different views of nationalism, Arendt's & Kedourie's. Arendt focuses on the link between racism, nationalism, & imperialism. According to her, nationalism differs from totalitarianism, which represents a more recent development. Kedourie sets out from Acton's critique of the French revolution & concludes that radical nationalism is a product of Franco-German national tensions. Finally, the author offers both concepts as his contribution to an easier understanding of the antagonisms that brought about the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into Buchanan's contribution to the contemporary political economy. His starting point is that Buchanan's concept of economy as exchange links political science & economics, showing that this is feasible, since Buchanan has rejected the theory of allocation, a standard in economics, & promoted the market theory based on exchange. The theory of allocation is dubious for Buchanan since it reduces the subject of economics to a set of problems & not to a characteristic form of human activity. That is why he uses the concept of the symbiotic, meaning the attitude based on the study of links among various actors that are beneficial for all. Buchanan's basic concept evolved & was shaped in the 1980s in the form of the constitutional political economy, which is an attempt to explain the possibilities of different legal-constitutional rules that determine the basic framework for selecting economic & political actors. The author claims that for political science, particularly important is the fact that Buchanan defines this type of political economy as a redux of the political in economics. In this way, on the one hand, it became questionable in economics as a discipline, & on the other, more acceptable for political science. However, the fact that Buchanan's work transcends the rigid boundaries of social disciplines does not mean that he unreservedly paves the way for political science. On the contrary, Buchanan is pursuing such a fundamental revision of the rigid boundaries among disciplines in social sciences that it may challenge the present status of political science. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author provides a definition of political marketing, highlights its links with a democratic polity, reviews the evolution of political marketing from the party to the marketing concept, looks into political marketing as a sort of construction of political reality, & analyzes political marketing in Croatia. He points out that political marketing is resisted by the very people who should make use of it, but acknowledges that there are some objective circumstances that stand in its way, such as the lack of money, the undeveloped public electronic media, & the still predominantly traditional culture of the society, more inclined to oral communication. 2 Diagrams, 13 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author shows why Gray's modus vivendi tolerance has not been particularly effective in designing stable global governance. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part describes Gray's link between globalization & tolerance, & the second presents Barry's disproof of Hobbesian justice as mutual utility, & Barry's criticism of Locke's argument for tolerance. The author uses Barry's theoretical maneuvers to show why he does not find Gray's solution particularly convincing. Although he accepts Gray's idea of pluralism derived from incommensurability, the author is of the opinion that it does not exclude a possibility of a supracultural pursuit of a consensus on how the planet ought to be governed to the benefit of all. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

Henjak looks into the phenomenon of party competition by referring to the works of the proponents of the theory of rational choice, which does not presuppose close links between political entrepreneurs & social groups. Henjak tries to prove that party competition has its temporal dimension within which parties have different goals that depend on their competitive situation. Henjak goes on to prove that various models of the analysis of party competition are to a large extent linked with the original assumptions that determine their explanatory power. In conclusion, Henjak outlines the factors determining the choice of the goals & the strategies of party competition, especially the factor of party organization. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the development of journalism from practice to theory & outlines the stages in the formation of the science of journalism or novitology. As an interdisciplinary, synthetic science, novitology connects everyday journalistic practice & meta-theoretical deliberations on the scope & the potential of journalism as a social function. While cogitating on the general tasks of journalism, the author focuses on the creation of news & its dissemination, fostering awareness of the methodological instruments, the moral dimensions of journalism, & modern media technology. All these chain-links should be connected in journalistic science; also, the relationships & inter-relations among universal, particular, & individual disciplines within the system of novitology should be analyzed by means of a systematic methodology. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author thinks that the American political & military initiative in Bosnia & Herzegovina has stopped the four-year war & enhanced American influence in the region. The European Union has reacted to the latest developments by adopting a new regional approach toward the countries of Southeastern Europe. This approach has been employed in relation to other European & Mediterranean regions outside the EU as well (Central & Eastern Europe, the Baltic states, the Mediterranean countries, & the Union of Independent States). The EU's policy toward Croatia is extremely reserved. It has insisted on a set of preconditions being fulfilled by Croatia before the negotiations about Croatia's membership in this organization may even commence. Croatia wants to forge links with the EU & is willing to comply with its demands, but is highly skeptical of regional associations. Adapted from the source document.

Starting from Agamben's term "Gesture" -- interpreted as "communication of communicability" -- and having in mind links between Gesture & politics, this text opens the possibility of reading Guy Debord's ideas into the heterotopia of the Prologue of "Dundo Maroje" by Croatian Renaissance playwright Marin Drzic. In this way, the possibility of cultural criticism has been tested on the basis of an insight into social performances structured as acts in a play; from the crisis & the culmination to the dramatic solution, & back again. The title syntagm "theatre of shame" is being argumented with the thesis that spectacularized societies archive shame by false identity witnessing. This paper suggests that our confrontation with the Other in ourselves -- exemplified through the lack of capacity to witness identity in the media -- leads to what Agamben describes as the slipping away of the truth of witnessing from the jurisdiction of the archive. Adapted from the source document.

The author explores the legitimating roots of the constitutional state. In his opinion, they can be found in moral universalism & national democracy. Both principles undoubtedly belong with the fundamental tenets of the constitution of modern constitutional state. While the former implies the universality of its postulates, which are accepted by every constitutional state, the latter represents the restrictive principle of this universalness. The author links these two principles & defines a people as a group of individuals who, regardless of their ethnic, cultural, & religious station may, in line with the principles of freedom & equality of individuals, create a successful political community. By the universality of its legality, the defense of human rights & power-sharing, constitutional state is a necessary prerequisite for the prospect of fashioning a people as a group of responsible individuals in establishing universal will. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that all major efforts concerning European security have always been linked with the end of a war. Thus the end of the Cold War has been marked with the expansion of NATO & an attempt to create a new security. By analyzing the political scope of the expansion, the military & strategic framework, the Russian reactions, & the economic significance, the author comes to the conclusion that the expansion is not conducive to the establishment of an integral system of European security. The purpose of this development by Clinton's team was primarily to outline the new European borders (the key aspect of Clinton's foreign policy) &, in the future, to create the conditions for further expansion & admittance of new members. Only in the remote future, through constant expansion & links with other European organizations, could NATO become the central system of European security. Adapted from the source document.