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In this paper an organisational approach is used to study the timing, duration, and outcome of the policymaking on public provision of local authorities. The organisation is considered as an intervening analytical level that bridges the gap between the effect of individual actors and that of the structure of society on the geography of public provision. Drawing on the literature of organisation theory, we analyse the effects of processes within organisations to help explain variation in public provision between authorities. The separate and combined effects of three major organisational concepts are examined: Scrutiny, conflict, and centralisation. These concepts are applied to policy innovation in four English local authorities, and specifically to their policies for the adoption of new technology in schools. Although the separate effects of the concepts help our understanding, it is their interaction which makes a significant contribution to the explanation of the timing and duration of policy innovation, as well as explaining the policy outcome, which was the aim of most previous work. Further understanding is gained when these concepts are set within the context of the overall structure and behaviour of the organisation.

Multiorganizational Arrangements in the Governance of Unitary and Federal Political Systems -- Beyond Organizational Design: Contextuality and the Political Theory of Public Policy -- Comment on Wittrock: Creative Imagination and Appropriate Assemblies -- Forward and Backward Mapping: Reversible Logic in the Analysis of Public Policy -- Policy Subsystems as a Unit of Analysis in Implementation Studies: A Struggle for Theoretical Synthesis -- Comment on Warns ley: The Unit of Analysis as a Methodological Problem -- Policy Subsystems, Networks and the Tools of Public Management -- Small Firm Employment Creation: An Assistance Structure Explanation -- Comment on Hjern and Hull: Implementation Structures and the Importance of Local Actors -- Metropolitan Structure and Systemic Performance: The Case of Police Service Delivery -- Comment on Parks: Fragmented Policy Organizations: A Comment -- Diffusion of Responsibility: An Interorganizational Analysis -- Comment on O'Toole: The Structural Context of Responsibility -- Racial Inequalities in Low-Income Central City and Suburban Communities: The Case of Police Services -- Social Structure and Social Praxis in Interorganizational Policy Analysis -- Comments on Benson and Weitzel: Interorganizational Analysis: A Field for Social Praxis Based On Social Structure, or Strategic Choice and Reticulist Judgement? -- Reflections on Bridge-Building in Complex Terrains: A Postscript -- Strategic Interaction, Learning and Policy Evolution: A Synthetic Hodel -- Implementation Research and Institutional Design: The Quest for Structure.

An examination of whether newly industrializing countries (NICs) of East Asia & Latin America could develop a relationship of complex interdependence with advanced industrial market economy countries of Western Europe, Japan, & North America similar to the relationship that exists between such advanced industrial nations. The concept of complex interdependence, as developed by US international relations theorists, is critically analyzed to show its lacunae -- eg, it ignores the role of domestic political institutions in forging complex ties of cooperative interdependence among liberal democracies. A majority of NICs have achieved a high level of industrialization by pursuing an external economic orientation, under a new authoritarianism that differs from traditional forms. It is argued that these corporate states cannot form links of complex interdependence with Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development countries, because this would require a greater play of nonstate actors & normative devaluation in the use of force. The problems that newly established NIC democracies face are briefly discussed. Modified AA

THEORIES THAT SET OUT TO DESCRIBE THE STRUCTURE AND EXPLAIN THE OPERATION OF THE MODERN WORLD ORDER ARE OFTEN UNCLEAR AND INCOMPLETE BECAUSE OF CONCEPTUAL PROBLEMS IN DEFINING THE SYSTEM AS A WHOLE AND THE NATURE OF THE ACTORS WHOSE RELATIONSHIPS CONSTITUTE IT. THE TERM MOST FREQUENTLY USED TO DESCRIBE THIS SYSTEM IS HEGEMONY, YET DESCRIPTIONS OF HEGEMONY AND HOW IT OPERATES TEND TO LOAD THE CONCEPT WITH IMAGES ARISING FROM MULTIPLE PATTERNS OF SYSTEM DOMINANCE BY ONE STATE, CAUSING IT TO EXPLAIN BOTH MORE AND LESS THAN A GIVEN EMPIRICAL SITUATION MIGHT WARRANT. AS A RESULT OF OVERGENERALIZATION AND THE OMISSION OR, AT BEST, SURFACE EXAMINATION, OF IMPORTANT ELEMENTS OF MODERN HEGEMONY, THESE THEORIES ARE LESS USEFUL TO POLICY-MAKERS IN TODAY'S HEGEMON, THE UNITED STATES, THAN THEY MIGHT BE. THIS ARTICLE IS AN ATTEMPT TO EXPAND AND CLARIFY THE CONCEPTS OF HEGEMONY, EMPIRE, AND REGIME, IN THE SPECIFIC CONTEXT OF LIBERAL INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORDERS AND THEN TO USE THESE CONCEPTS TO ANALYZE THE STRUCTURE AND EVOLUTION OF THE POST-SECOND WORLD WAR HEGEMONIC SYSTEM.

ON 24 FEBRUARY 1988, THE NATIONAL COUNCIL ON PUBLIC WORKS IMPROVEMENT SUBMITTED ITS FINAL REPORT ON THE NATION'S PUBLIC WORKS TO THE PRESIDENT AND THE CONGRESS. THE REPORT CONCLUDED THAT AMERICA'S INFRASTRUCTURE IS NOT IN RUINS, AS CHARGED BY THE LANDMARK BOOK ENTITLED AMERICA IN RUINS. THE REPORT DID SAY, HOWEVER, THAT THE NATION'S INFRASTRUCTURE IS ONLY BARELY ADEQUATE AND GETTING WORSE. THE COUNCIL URGED THE NATION TO REVERSE COURSE AND GIVE GREATER ATTENTION TO INFRASTRUCTURE RENEWAL AND EXPANSION. IN THE COUNCIL'S VIEW, FEDERALISM WILL BE A MAJOR FACTOR IN THE SUCCESS OF THE NEEDED TURNAROUND. SUCH CHANGE WILL REQUIRE SHARED RESPONSIBILITIES INVOLVING THE FEDERAL, STATE, AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS PLUS THE PRIVATE SECTOR. SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN THE RELATIONSHIPS AMONG THESE ACTORS HAVE MADE THE 1980S A DECADE OF TRANSITION, DIMINISHING FEDERAL INFLUENCE ON INFRASTRUCTURE ISSUES.

Historical data are used to support the argument that the popularity of municipal contracting in Los Angeles County (the Lakewood Plan) resulted not from its adoption by local suburban residents seeking more efficient urban service provision, but rather from its use by members of local class organizations in order to create municipal boundaries that would surround and protect their territorial interests. The class position and objectives of political actors involved in 46 incorporation attempts in Los Angeles County provide evidence demonstrating how the conflicts and outcomes of the incorporation process were class based.

THE WIND OF DETENTE BLOWING IN SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS HAS REVIVED VISIONS OF THE RESOLUTION OF REGIONAL CONFLICTS, INCLUDING SOUTHERN AFRICA, THAT ARE KEPT ALIVE OR CONTROLLED BY THE SUPER POWERS. UNFORTUNATELY, IN VIEW OF THE COMPLEXITY OF LOCAL ISSUES IN SOUTHERN AFRICA, THE SUPERPOWERS CAN RESTRICT THE GAME OF THEIR ALLIES BUT CANNOT CHANGE THE RULES. DESPITE THE GROWING REALISM OF THE REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ACTORS, NO PATHWAY TO PEACE IS YET IN VIEW.

The political and constitutional relationship that is known as "federalism" creates boundaries that often do not correspond to resources. The anadromous salmon and steelhead of the Columbia River Basin, for example, cross several jurisdictional boundaries during their life cycle. Jurisdictional boundaries frequently contribute to poor resource planning because some actors are excluded. One traditional response to such transboundary resource difficulties has been to nationalize the problem, thus creating a forum in which all of the actors may participate. Nationalization, however, may be overinclusive when the problem is regional. An alternative that is potentially more sensitive to local concerns is found in the compact clause of the Constitution. This clause allows states and the national government to reallocate authority to address regional issues. Two recent federal statutes have adopted the compact clause mechanism in response to Pacific Northwest resource allocation problems. This Article examines the Pacific Northwest Electric Power Planning and Conservation Act and the Columbia River Gorge National Scenic Area Act as examples of a regional response to transboundary resource problems.

In the present period of drastic technological changes, the best way of increasing the innovative capacity of an economy is no longer to accumulate resources in strategic fields nor to increase incentives to private firms and other actors, but to develop networks of creative interrelations between them. This depends more on collective processes than on traditional public decisions. In that perspective, local synergies and properly organised capacities of territorial structures are of great potential. In this paper it is proposed that the conception of technology policy be revised along such lines. Careful analyses of far-reaching experiences like Sophia-Antipolis bring about creative insights and help to build effective technology policies. In the first part of the paper the history of Sophia-Antipolis is analysed in the perspective of technology policy. In the second part we draw lessons regarding two issues: The territorial basis of technology policy, and the new forms of 'public' action.

The study of urban politics has undergone considerable change over the last ten to fifteen years. During the 1950s and 1960s the 'community power' approach became well-established in American political science as the dominant form of analysis of local politics, although it was less marked in Britain. In contrast, and in part as reaction, to the ecological determinism and naturalistic explanation of the Chicago school in urban sociology that preceded it, power and decision making were seen as key features in explaining urban processes. Intentionality and human action were afforded explanatory dominance. In turn, however, this approach came under sustained critique as part of the 'anti-behaviouralist' or structuralist resurgence in Western social science in the 1970s which attributed causal primacy to structural determination and system contradictions, not actors or voluntarism. Yet structural approaches face methodological problems of functionalism and circularity, and in constructing tests of empirical adequacy and falsifiability. Some of the more interesting, recently-published work in urban politics seeks to maintain a non-behaviouralist, more structuralist interpretation of local policy outcomes within empirically-grounded analyses that allow space for politics and power. Dunleavy, Friedland and Saunders provided three of the best examples of such an approach, and have each sought to understand either a particular policy, or a set of policies in a particular locality, through frameworks which in varying degrees incorporate structuralist assumptions. They seek to apply objective cost-benefit analyses of public policies as empirically refutable hypotheses and accept the necessity of objective criteria for assessing whether or not interests have been met in any given situation. This article examines the extent to which these selected 'non-behaviouralist' interpretations of urban politics have successfully been applied to empirical contexts. A central element in this examination is a consideration of the way in which business is seen as a major influence in local politics.

Diskussion des Machtkampfes zwischen Präsident Arap Moi und seinem ehemaligen Minister Charles Njonjo vor dem Hintergrund der Gegensätze unter den führenden Eliten des Landes. Machtbasis von Njonjo, Machtkampf und Loyalitäten, gerichtliche Untersuchung. Enge Verbindung des Konflikts mit den konservativ-kapitalistischen und pro-britischen Tendenzen im kenianischen Nationalismus. (DÜI-Hlb)

When we speak of "a Vietnam" we refer to a situation of intervention of a great power (nowadays a superpower) in an internal and international situation peculiar to a country or group of states, in which the superpower justifies its actions in terms of the logic of the global confrontation typical of a bipolar system, however local factors also play a role. In the present work, three criteria for comparison between the interventions of the United States in Vietnam and the Soviet Union in Afghanistan are outlined. The first has to do with the actors and objectives of the intervention; the second with the theater of the intervention and, finally, the third with the military commitment to the intervention and its internal repercussions. Once these criteria are presented, a detailed examination of the Afghan case is made. ; Cuando hablamos de "un Vietnam" nos referimos a una situación de intervención de una gran potencia (hoy día una superpotencia) en una situación interna e internacional peculiar a un país o grupo de estados, en que la superpotencia justifica sus acciones en términos de la lógica del enfrentamiento global propio de un sistema bipolar, no obstante lo cual juegan también factores de orden local. En el presente trabajo se exponen en forma esquemática tres criterios de comparación entre las intervenciones de Estados Unidos en Vietnam y la Unión Soviética en Afganistán. El primero tiene que ver con los actores y objetivos de la intervención; el segundo con el teatro de la intervención y, finalmente, el tercero con el compromiso militar con la intervención y sus repercusiones internas. Una vez presentados estos criterios, se hace un examen detallado del caso afgano.

This paper offers one small but dramatic example of grassroots responses to urban restructuring. It is a case study of the politics of ethnicity and growth in Monterey Park, North America's first suburban Chinatown. Evolving after World War II from a predominantly white, middle class suburb into a multi-ethnic city, today Monterey Park has the highest concentration of Asians of any city in the United States. Our research addresses two issues: (1) the development of the politics of growth and ethnicity in a multi-ethnic,middle class suburb undergoing rapid demographic and economic change as a result of the rapid influx of Asian people and capital; (2) the role and stands taken by new Asian immigrants and established residents -- Latinos, Asian-Americans, and Anglos --in the struggle for ethnic representation and local control over land use, space, language,and the very definition of community. This paper focuses specifically on the ethnic actors and political currents surrounding the City Council election of April 1988. We used a wide variety of qualitative and quantitative methods appropriate to a community study: demographic analysis,ethnographic observation of the City Council and political campaigns, content analysis of English and Chinese newspapers, interviews with candidates and community leaders, interviews conducted during precinct walking with the leading candidates, and finally, participation in an exit poll and statistical analysis of results.

Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches, newspapers, leaflets, and memoirs of the period reveal more about trade union leaders and local militants than about the ordinary men and women who made popular protest possible but whose opinions rarely found their way into print. As a result, a number of questions remain largely unanswered: How much of the ethos of the popular front, and how much of the ideology of the Socialist and Communist parties, did rank-and-file workers come to embrace? Which slogans spoke most poignantly to lathe operators at Renault, textile workers in Lille, or sales clerks at the Galeries Lafayette? Were the euphoria of June 1936 and the crushing defeat of the General Strike in November 1938 as important in the lives of these people as they were for labor leaders? How popular, in short, was the political experience of the popular front?