Global Players — Local Actors
In: Bildung für nachhaltige Entwicklung, S. 139-143
52 Ergebnisse
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In: Bildung für nachhaltige Entwicklung, S. 139-143
In: Transforming Unjust Structures The Capability Approach; Library of Ethics and Applied Philosophy, S. 121-142
In: Local State Institutional Reforms in Ghana, S. 137-180
In: Religious Pluralism, Globalization, and World Politics, S. 125-154
In: Movements, migrants, marginalisation: challenges of societal and political participation in Eastern Europe and the enlarged EU, S. 83-98
Argues that the rapid social, cultural, economic, & political changes experienced by Turkey since the late 20th century must be considered within the context of the resurgence of Islam, which, in turn, has been framed by larger globalization processes. The role of Islam & cultural globalization in the modernization of Turkey is discussed, noting the coexistence of Western values & cultural patterns alongside local values & traditions. The multidimensionality of these change processes has generated a wide variety of discourses, strategies, identity claims, & clashes in all areas of social life. Case studies are offered of the impacts on 2 leading business organizations/pressure groups (TUSIAD & MUSIAD), regionally based industrialist/business groups (SIADs); civil society organizations; & local/popular patterns of cultural consumption. K. Hyatt Stewart
Argues that the rapid social, cultural, economic, & political changes experienced by Turkey since the late 20th century must be considered within the context of the resurgence of Islam, which, in turn, has been framed by larger globalization processes. The role of Islam & cultural globalization in the modernization of Turkey is discussed, noting the coexistence of Western values & cultural patterns alongside local values & traditions. The multidimensionality of these change processes has generated a wide variety of discourses, strategies, identity claims, & clashes in all areas of social life. Case studies are offered of the impacts on 2 leading business organizations/pressure groups (TUSIAD & MUSIAD), regionally based industrialist/business groups (SIADs); civil society organizations; & local/popular patterns of cultural consumption. K. Hyatt Stewart
Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth
Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth
Examines the dramatic increase in Mexican & other Latino immigrant residents that occurred in the rural Delmarva Peninsula region of Maryland & Virginia during the 1990's. The impact of local practices on immigrant rights is considered from both a human rights & a citizen theory perspective. Data were obtained from fieldwork conducted in 2000-02 that consisted of site observations & interviews with immigrants, social service providers, & local activists. Most of the immigrant respondents were poor, young, working-class Mexicans who were interested in permanent rather than temporary, seasonal work. Special attention is given to the immigrant's experiences with labor unions, social services, housing providers, & the political establishment. Even though many of the newcomers lack legal status, they have made significant gains, & local actors have often responded constructively to their presence. The isolated nature of the peninsula & the small size of the communities have led to more personal contact between residents & the immigrants whose rights have been expanded in such areas as labor, education, & legal assistance. Tables, References. J. Lindroth
In: Reconstituiri Istorice: civilizație, valori, paradigme, personalități: In Honorem academician Valeriu Pasat, S. 504-546
During the three decades of independence, in the Republic of Moldova has been undertaken
several actions regarding the territorial reorganization of the local power and administrative
mechanisms at subnational level. But these were insufficient, and in some
cases badly achieved, being ostentatiously rejected by the political actors and officials
from the state and local public authorities. In general, the reforms and restructuring of
the public administration at the local level and, implicitly, of the territorial organization
of the local public power, have been achieved according to the political tactics and
changes, but not on the basis of coherent strategies and with clearly defined goals.
Chronologically, the process of reforming the territorial organization of the local power
has covered three distinct stages:
First stage: perpetuation of the soviet-type centralized territorial administrative delimitation,
which covers the period from the declaration of Independence till the end of
the 1998.
Second stage: trying to build the territorial system of exercising the local public power
in the spirit of the decentralization and local autonomy principles, which lasted from
the end of the 1998 till 2003.
Third stage: returning to the centralized territorial organization of the local public
power, which started in 2003 and lasts until now. There was a return at the soviet
system of local public power organization; the number of local collectivities of the first
level was increased by 30% compared to the previous period.
In this article has been analyzed these three distinct stages of the reforming process of
the local power territorial organization in the Republic of Moldova.
Develops & applies an interpretative framework on environmental reform in transnational urban spaces, exploring how multinational corporate office buildings are creating new hybrid arrangements of environmental management. At issue is achieving a conceptual understanding of the mechanisms & dynamics instigating the environmental restructuring of buildings, proposing a model that transcends the basic state vs market & global vs local dichotomies. Explored are the arrangements regulating & restructuring the environmental dimensions of urban office stock, & how traditional entities & actors of state & market are "enmeshed" & "hybridized" in practices of environmental reform where global & local interface. Twelve case studies of the interception of corporate environmental strategies & urban environmental policies in Amsterdam, Netherlands, Sao Paulo, Brazil, & Beijing, People's Republic of China, are subject to qualitative analysis to shed light on how the dynamics of urban environmental governance are changing. The model is then developed further, assessing urban environmental reforms & asserting that conceptualizing them as simply place-bound political processes is inadequate. Figures, References. D. Edelman
Develops & applies an interpretative framework on environmental reform in transnational urban spaces, exploring how multinational corporate office buildings are creating new hybrid arrangements of environmental management. At issue is achieving a conceptual understanding of the mechanisms & dynamics instigating the environmental restructuring of buildings, proposing a model that transcends the basic state vs market & global vs local dichotomies. Explored are the arrangements regulating & restructuring the environmental dimensions of urban office stock, & how traditional entities & actors of state & market are "enmeshed" & "hybridized" in practices of environmental reform where global & local interface. Twelve case studies of the interception of corporate environmental strategies & urban environmental policies in Amsterdam, Netherlands, Sao Paulo, Brazil, & Beijing, People's Republic of China, are subject to qualitative analysis to shed light on how the dynamics of urban environmental governance are changing. The model is then developed further, assessing urban environmental reforms & asserting that conceptualizing them as simply place-bound political processes is inadequate. Figures, References. D. Edelman
Questions concerning whether United Nations transitional administrations should consult local authorities in crafting transitional plans & should be legally or politically accountable for its actions during transition periods are considered. Scrutiny of United Nations transitional administrations consultation practices with local actors in the Balkans, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, East Timor, & Kosovo is conducted to illustrate the difficulties arising from transitional authorities negotiations with local authorities & to indicate that prior agreement amongst international actors facilitated political transformation. Two aspects of the accountability of United Nations transitional administrations are then explored -- whether transitional governments are willing to acknowledge the military nature of its operations & how such administrations disregard of normative democratic principles hinder post-transition governance; cases involving the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo & the United Nations Transitional Administration for East Timor are studied to illuminate the legal & political accountability of transitional governments. It is concluded that the success of international intervention is contingent upon several factors, particularly the creation of military operations designed to properly transfer political authority to local actors. J. W. Parker
In: Nordic civil society at a cross-roads: transforming the popular movement tradition, S. 281-299
"Industrial relations and workers' rights issues have been embedded in a national, tripartite, and (collective) negotiation setting. In this article, the authors argue that this industrial relations landscape currently is undergoing fundamental change in terms of types of arenas and involved actors. The traditional national industrial relations system is being complemented by an emerging transnational system. The purpose of this paper is to - basedon a study of Swedish garment retailers and the Swedish Clean Clothes Campaign between 1996 and 2006 - analyzedifferent actors' attempts to define and embed firms in this transnational industrial relations system. The authors argue that the actors' efforts could be framed as a competition between a 'Rules Model' of transnational industrial relations (promoted by firms and NGOs) and a 'Bargaining Model' of transnational industrial relations (promoted by unions). Their study indicates that the 'Rules Model' currently dominates transnational industrial relations, but the authors outline a way to integrate the rules and bargaining models." (author's abstract)