The Spanish American War had a profound influence on United States' foreign policy throughout the twentieth century. Stearns County. a Midwestern German community in central Minnesota, expressed their reaction to this national occurrence through their local newspapers. Like other communities distant from major media centers, Steams County newspapers responded slowly to the growing prewar issues in 1898, determining their relevance for the local population The Democratic St Cloud Times, the German Catholic Der Nordstern, and the Republican St. Cloud Journal-Press were the most influential newspapers in the region. Each St. Cloud newspaper took a differerent position on the war and its potential political consequences. This study will prove how these newspapers. with their respective party affiliations. brought Spanish American War issues to the local population by illustrating a variety of interpretations as they followed the Stearns County volunteers during their eighteen months of service.
This article is based on such material and shows how the predominant subject matter for ladies' letters during the war years was that of voluntary fundraising for the many charities and associations connected with the war. Such charities were often suggested to the women through personal or local ties - family members at the front; local regiments or Scottish connections. As we shall see, these women perceived their war work in localised or provincialised terms, and were led by the local elite, in both the city and the surrounding countryside. Whilst this approach did eventually lead to inequalities in provision for the men at the front, the hospitals and the prisoners of war, this voluntary approach was at first the only one which existed - and such an approach was part of the government's own approach to the war until late 1915. After this time, and with the growing power of Lloyd George, the government and local authorities began to impose a more centralised and less personalised approach to the voluntary organisations. While this approach was at first resented by many of the charitable ladies affected, as can be seen in their letters to the newspapers, it was necessary in order to provide a more uniform approach to the provision of comforts and necessary medical items to the ever-increasing number of men and women in need.
A newspaper's 'Letters to the Editor' column represents its readership in a unique way and can provide a useful 'thermometer' with which to measure the extent of critical debate and discussion a particular issue generated in a locality. In this article, the letters of women to the editor of the Aberdeen Daily Journal, 1900 to 1914, are analysed to discover the type of political issues with which these women concerned themselves. It is argued that the women must have felt particularly strongly about such issues since they were prepared to take their arguments outside their social circle and to identify themselves as politically active in the pages of their daily newspaper. Political issues dealt with include local government, the suffrage question and government legislation. While much of the evidence used comes from the letters of active suffragists who were usually members of national suffrage associations, it is argued that the period showed an expansion in the type of woman interested in politics, and the corresponding urge to write to the newspapers. This is evidenced in the number of women who firmly stated that they were not suffragists, but became politicised enough to write to the newspaper complaining about the Insurance Act in 1912.
• Opsomming: Hierdie artikel ondersoek die waarde van 'n aantal 19de-eeuse koerante - in buitedistrikte van die Kaapse oosgrens - vir die navorser in plaaslike geskiedenis. 'n Ontleding van hoofartikels toon gemeenskaplike beleidsrigtings en opvattinge by die betrokke redakteurs, soos byvoorbeeld 'n strewe na objektiewe beriggewing en die uitgangspunt dat hul nuusblaaie moes dien as 'n kommunikasiemiddel tussen owerheid en onderdaan - as't ware dus 'n soort spreekbuis vir openbare mening. Ondanks hul verklaarde doelstelling van onpartydigheid het baie van hierdie koerante tog tot stand gekom met die uitsluitlike doel om bepaalde groepsbelange te bevorder of is hulle mettertyd ten nouste aan 'n sekere deel van die gemeenskap verbind. Die nuusblaaie dek verskeie aspekte van plaaslike belang soos dorpsbestuur, regspleging, sosiale vraagstukke, ekonomiese en landboukundige ontwikkeling asook die rassegevoel by koloniste veral ten opsigte van hulle vrese vir die veiligheid van hul lewens en eiendom. Plaaslike koerante bevat meestal heelwat meer inligting oor 'n verskeidenheid belangrike sake as ander dokumente. Die navorser in plaaslike geskiedenis kry uit sodanige nuusblaaie baiekeer ook 'n aanduiding van watter amptelike dokumente in argiefbewaarplekke geraadpleeg moet word, iets wat aansienlike tyd- en kostebesparing kan meebring. ; • Summary: This article examines to what extent some 19th century country town newspapers of the Eastern Cape frontier can be used by the local historian. An analysis of editorials found certain common policies and ideas espoused by the editors, e.g. the pursuit of objectivity and the view that the local newspaper was a channel of communication between the government and the population, a kind of forum for the expression of public opinion. In spite of their declared aim of impartiality, many of these newspapers were however established either with the express purpose of furthering the interests of a particular group of they gradually became closely associated with certain sections of the community. Matters of local importance in these papers include local government, the administration of justice, social problems, economic and agricultural development, and the colonists' attitude towards race, as expressed in their fears for the security of their persons and stock. These are all matters which provide the local historian with valuable information which is otherwise unavailable in any other source. From these newspapers the local historian is often able to obtain a clear indication of what to look for in official documents kept in the archival depots, which can be of great practical value in terms of time and money.
In August 1912, a female correspondent calling herself 'Fair Play' wrote to the Aberdeen Free Press to remonstrate at the militant methods used by the Women's Social and Political Union (the WSPU). She explained that she had chosen to use a pen name rather than reveal her identity for fear of retribution from local suffragettes: "I should prefer to sign my own name to this letter, but having done so some years ago in a letter to a London paper, in which I pointed out the unreason of their violent conduct, I received such vulgarly abusive postcards from some of the suffragette 'patriots' and 'martyrs' that in these days of hatchet-throwing and petrol-burning I simply dare not do so". Helen Tollie, a local WSPU member from Ballater, wrote immediately in response; "Dear lady, Fear not our hatchets or implements of war. They will not be directed against you. You are not important enough. If you were, they would find their way to you without your help."
El periodismo de servicio se instaló en la prensa local de Galicia en los últimos tres años. Después de varias iniciativas de los principales diarios en la década de los noventa del siglo XX, a comienzos del siglo XXI la información de servicios ganó espacio. Todos los rediseños de periódicos llevados a cabo partir del año 2000 buscaron nuevas ventanas para una información más útil y muy dirigida a las demandas inmediatas de los ciudadanos. Una investigación sobre las características de los contenidos muestra un importante cambio de tendencia y un estudio sobre el periodismo de servicios indica como La Voz de Galicia, el diario de referencia en Galicia, optó por este camino, que también comparten las principales cabeceras. El nuevo modelo, que está dando sus primeros pasos, abrió una nueva etapa en la oferta informativa de la prensa gallega, que busca vías para salir de la encrucijada en la que se encuentra a causa del control de los gobiernos de turno, de la estabilización de las ventas, de las dificultades para incrementar los ingresos publicitarios y de la multiplicación de la oferta de productos informativos. ; the main newspapers in the 90s, in the beginning of XXI century service journalism won new spaces. All newspapers' redesign from 2000 aimed for new windows with more useful information, directed to the immediate demands of the citizens. A research on the characteristics of the press contents shows an important change in journalism trends. Another study about service journalism indicates how La Voz de Galicia, the reference newspaper in Galicia, took this path which also transits the main newspapers. This new model, that is walking its first steps, opened a new stage in the information offer in Galician press, that looks for ways to get away from the crossroads in which is immersed. Government control, stabilization of the sales, difficulties for the increasing of advertisement profit and multiplication of the information offer put Galician press on the spot.
This thesis examines the relationship between access to local sources of local mass communication (television, radio, daily and weekly newspapers) and levels of political participation in municipal elections in Ontario using macro and micro level data. Aggregate level data was generated by combining a dataset containing information from all the 1985 municipal elections in Ontario with information about each municipality's local media. This lets us examine elections which take place simultaneously and within the same general political and cultural context but with widely varying configurations of local media present. The aggregate level measures of political participation used are: whether the head of council is elected or acclaimed, the turnout rate, the percentage of incumbents on council and the percentage of council positions contested. Micro level data was gathered from surveys done in the city of Windsor, Ontario before and after the city lost its only televised source of local news. This allows us to examine political participation at the individual level with access to media physically varied. At the survey level two measures of political participation and two levels of community involvement are used: interest in local politics, voting in local politics, attending local government meeting and awareness of local issues. Aggregate findings indicate that the presence of local media affects levels of political participation. In rural areas of the province local media is generally limited to weekly newspapers which usually have positive effects on participation. Urban centres have many different combinations of local media present. The same medium may have different effects on municipalities of different sizes and on different types of political participation, suggesting that the underlying process may be different. There is no clear support for the hypothesis that the number of different types of media present has an effect, although findings suggest different combinations of media may have different effects.Dept. of Communication Studies. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1993 .Y685. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 32-02, page: 0382. Adviser: Kai Hildebrandt. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1993.
Este trabajo no pretende ser, sino un punto de partida para conocer la reaiidad cordobesa en la época de la Restauración. Las fuentes cuya disección nos fian permitido el conocimiento de los presidentes de la corporación municipal han sido los expedientes de las elecciones municipales, los expedientes de constitución de Ayuntamientos, las Actas Capitulares, prensa, etc. Para una mejor comprensión lo hemos articulado en dos partes: en primer lugar, el marco jurídico en que se desarrollaron los comicios municipales y, en segundo, un estudio prosopográfico de los primeros ediles de la ciudad de la Mezquita.This paper intends to settie a starting point in order to deepen in the atmosphere of Córdoba during the Restoration. Sources like municipal election files, Council foundation files. Capitular Acts or newspapers have been essential in order to have access to the identity of the heads of the municipal Corporation. The present work is organised in two main parts: firstly, thejuridical frame in which the municipal elections were developed and, secondly a prosopographic study of the first councillors in the City of the Mezquita.
In all the various discussions and debates stimulated by poverty and relief in nineteenth-century Ireland, studies rarely go beyond generalisations with respect to relief committee membership. The main aim of this thesis is to go some way towards filling that void by constructing a social profile of the local relief committee member. Using local directories, church records, local newspapers, estate papers and personal diaries, this study reveals the social, religious, and where possible, political backgrounds of relief committees in the four Poor Law Unions of Dundalk, County Louth, Inishowen, County Donegal, Ballina, County Mayo and Thurles, County Tipperary. The social structures within the four Poor Law Unions were examined, revealing a tiered system of wealth in both rural and urban areas. In terms of possible relief workers, it was the towns of Dundalk, Ballina and Thurles who had larger numbers of clergy, gentry, professionals and traders to help the poor in times of need. Outside of these towns, however, figures of possible relief workers dropped sharply, as the range of potential charity workers revolved around the gentry and clergy. In terms of charitable associations formed to deal with poverty on a day to day basis, it was the unions of Ballina and Dundalk that had the more active relief volunteer force. These groups were run, for the most part, by local Protestant clergy, gentry and traders. In Thurles there was a more active Catholic participation in the relief of the poor on an ongoing basis, but it was still a small local Protestant population that seized the initiative with respect to local charity and who sustained it when others lost interest. In terms of ad hoc relief committees formed to deal with specific periods of distress, the pre-famine years saw an evolution in the role played by the relief committee member. Yet while the role of the committee member changed, one aspect of relief did not: the charity worker himself. When the blight attacked the potato crop in 1845, the four Poor Law Unions had a volunteer force that had a long experience of working together. During the famine relief, with a few exceptions, remained a particularly Protestant affair, sustained by lesser gentry and the clergy, Protestant and Catholic. The towns of Ballina and Dundalk did see a more active trader class in terms of relief but in general and despite the fact that these towns did have a growing trader class, they did not form a particularly significant part of relief committees. The famine years saw a concerted relief effort on the part of the clergy, Catholic and Protestant and they proved particularly vital to the relief effort. Government rules on relief committee membership during the famine placed all women outside of the relief committee structure. The government policy of property paying for poverty automatically placed women outside local systems of relief because few women had the actual ownership and management of landed estates directly in their hands. Yet women did operate their own system of relief during the famine. These women were invariably the wives, daughters and sisters of men who were already active local charity workers. Thus charity during this period was very much a family affair. And finally, minute books of famine relief committees confirm certain patterns that may be just hinted at in other contemporary sources. They confirm that it was the same group of people who came forward time and time again to help the poor and it was because of that fact that the social, religious and political backgrounds of relief committees rarely changed. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie
This thesis is an investigation of the economic and political role of the labour movement in Counties Kerry and Limerick during the years 1914-21. Topics discussed include: -- 1) economic and social condition, especially wage and price movements; 2) industrial relations, including disputes and conciliation mechanisms; 3) trade union organisation; 4) labour?s intervention on social and political issues, including its relationship to the British state; the competing wings of Irish nationalism; as well as the Catholic hierarchy; 5) the rural labour movement. The Limerick sections also include a discussion of the role of women in the local labour movement. The most important source used is local newspapers. Other primary sources include trade union and official records, the latter comprising both records of the British administration as well as local authority minutes. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie
When thousands of women gathered in 1983 to protest the stockpiling of nuclear weapons at a rural upstate New York military depot, the area was shaken by their actions. What so disturbed residents that they organized counterdemonstrations, wrote hundreds of letters to local newspapers, verbally and physically harassed the protestors, and nearly rioted to stop one of the protest marches? Louise Krasniewicz reconstructs the drama surrounding the Women's Encampment for a Future of Peace and Justice in Seneca County, New York, analyzing it as a clash both between and within communities. She shows how debates about gender and authority—including questions of morality, patriotism, women's roles, and sexuality—came to overshadow arguments about the risks of living in a nuclear world. Vivid ethnography and vibrant social history, this work will engage readers interested in American culture, women's studies, peace studies, and cultural anthropology.
An interstate billboard warns visitors to La Mesa, California: "Attention johns: We take pictures." In 1994, to widespread political accolades, the city initiated a policy of publishing names and pictures of prostitutes' patrons in local newspapers. La Mesa is not alone. If nightmares about the revelation of the contents of Heidi Fleiss's little black book sent shivers down the spines of Hollywood's rich and fa- mous, the tremors have traveled through La Mesa and sent similar shudders across the nation. The anonymous sex once so sought-after for its secrecy has been slapped up on billboards as communities, desperate to disinfect their crime-ridden streets, expose solicitors' secret sins to sunlight. Critics of this practice raise questions about effectiveness and cost. City attorneys and public defenders pose questions about its constitutionality. Newspapers worry about civil liability. Editorials call it inhumane, disproportionate. But police insist that nothing else has worked, and community groups figure perhaps it's worth a try. Past john-shaming schemes, however, have not been without costs. In 1994, a paper in New Jersey listed a young engineer among other prostitution arrestees. The recent widower and father of three killed himself when he saw his name in the paper. Perhaps it's worth answering some questions before giving john-shaming a try.
Writings by American Indians from the early twentieth century or earlier are rare. Willie Ottogary's letters have the distinction of being firsthand reports of an Indian community's ongoing social life by a community member and leader. The Northwestern Shoshone residing at the Washakie colony in northern Utah descended from survivors of the Bear River Massacre. Most had converted to the Mormon Church and remained in northern Utah rather than moving to a federal Indian reservation. For over twenty years, local newspapers in Utah and southern Idaho regularly published letters from Ottogary reporting happenings-personal milestones and health crises, comings and goings, social events, economic conditions and activities, efforts at political redress-at Washakie and other Shoshone communities in the intermountain West. Matthew Kreitzer compiled and edited the letters of Ottogary and added historical commentary and appendices, biographical data on individuals Ottogary mentioned, and eighty-five rare historical photographs. Written in a vernacular English and printed unedited in the newspapers, the letters describe a society in cultural transition and present Ottogary's distinctively Shoshone point of view on anything affecting his people. Thus, they provide an unusual picture of Shoshone life through a critical period, a time when many Indian communities reached a historical nadir. While the letters unflinchingly report the many difficulties and challenges the Shoshone faced, they portray a vital and dynamic society, whose members led full lives and actively pursued their own interests. Ottogary lobbied constantly for Shoshone rights, forging alliances with Shoshone throughout the region, visiting Washington D.C., advocating legislation, and participating in Goshute-Western Shoshone draft resistance during World War I. ; https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/usupress_pubs/1057/thumbnail.jpg
• Opsomming: Die kernvraag wat hier aan die orde kom, is hoe die oorwegend Engelssprekende gemeenskap van die laat-Victoriaanse Grahamstad in die maande voor die uitbreek van die Anglo-Boereoorlog (Oktober 1899) op die naderende krisis gereageer het. Ofskoon nie heeltemal verteenwoordigend nie, was ' n opvallende verskynsel die opwelling van 'n breë jingoïsme soos veral in sommige plaaslike koerante weerspieël. Onderliggend hieraan was die besef dat Grahamstad in die vergetelheid geraak het: dit was nie meer belangrik op handels- of militêre gebied nie en het ook nog nie 'n identiteit as universiteitsentrum aangeneem nie. Onder sulke omstandighede het inwoners hoofsaaklik hul eie belang gesoek en inhalig opgetree selfs teenoor hulle vlugteling-landgenote uit die Boererepublieke wat trou aan die Britse saak gesweer het. ; • Summary: In October 1899 the Anglo-Boer War broke out. This article looks at how so quintessentially English speaking a community as late-Victorian Grahamstown (especially some of its local newspapers) reacted to the gathering crisis. Underlying the most obvious - but certainly not entirely representative - outburst of popular jingoistic feeling, was the sense that Grahamstown was in a state of limbo: it was no longer of commercial or military importance and it had not yet found its sense of identity as a university centre. In such circumstances, Grahamstonians looked essentially to their own interests. Theirs was a "tightfisted" response even to the plight of their own compatriots who fled the "Boer North".
Research on risk communication relates basic risk perception studies to the formulation of policies, the currently evolving legislation dealing with hazards, the key issues of public involvement, the risk and environmental management. Risk communication is a relatively new field based on a sociological approach. The discipline comes from risk perception studies (psychological approach), which try to investigate how the public is influenced by certain variables in perceiving risk as "acceptable" or not. Risk communication involves some aspects of risk analysis methodology, since it results that also the technical analysis is influenced by the co-operation between the actors involved. The research project includes two aspects: a theoretic approach on risk communication (Part one) and a case study (Part two). The analysed case is relative to a movement plant of petroleum products. The method used for the analysis foresees a review of the main findings about risk perception and communication: mostly about the factors, which influence the public perception of risk. On the basis of these factors a content analysis of technical documents, of local newspapers, and of public documents and reports was carried out. The main objective of this project is to establish recommendations and proposals for a communication strategy aimed at consensual decision making. This strategy would act on awareness and/or equilibrium in risk perception, as a condition necessary to achieve consensus.
