Suchergebnisse

The proliferation of concepts to qualify relations between nuclear energy and space demonstrate the difficulties encountered in characterizing them. In this paper, building on Hecht's work on "nuclearity," we postulate that understanding the geographies of nuclear energy calls for a deconstruction of "spatial nuclearities" rather than "nuclear spaces." Here we hypothesize that the production of nuclearities' limits through controversies determines the borders of spaces considered as nuclear. To test it, this article will look into debates triggered by the clearance of very low-level radioactive waste in Germany. Clearance is the administrative act of denuclearizing radioactive materials, allowing them to be recycled, reused, or disposed of in the conventional sector. Research was conducted through the analy-sis of local newspapers, parliamentary debates, and semi-structured interviews. Results show three dynamics. Firstly, spatial nuclearity is relational, produced through interaction between the involved actors. Secondly, nuclear power spatialities are processual, emerging from everyday operations. Thirdly, spatial nuclearity is multidimensional, depending on sociospatial and local contingencies.

This article investigates the impact of the 1883–5 electoral reforms on the political culture of elections and electioneering in the constituencies, using the borough of Ipswich as its focus. It argues that historians have underestimated the extent to which the Franchise and Redistribution Acts of 1884–5 transformed political cultures outside the countryside and large cities, and that the Corrupt Practices Act of 1883 had a major impact on the modernisation of party organisation. Principally, however, it challenges the prevailing historical consensus that the basis of post‐reform constituency politics remained, to a large extent, local in nature, by suggesting that electioneering cultures were placed under considerable 'nationalising' influences from the early 1880s on. Rather than resisting these influences, the established Ipswich parties largely embraced them. Moreover, a general decline in corruption, and a general increase in the number of speeches reported in local newspapers from 'carpetbagger' candidates and national leaders, created a climate in which it was now more difficult for any constituency, however idiosyncratic, to insulate itself from 'national' politics.

This article, by examining the planning, development, construction, and operation of the Hiawatha light–rail transit line in the Twin Cities of Minnesota, attempts to further the understanding of coalition–building between lawmakers in urban and suburban areas, as well as those at the local, state, and federal levels, and how this cooperation affects metropolitan areas. the analysis relies on primary and secondary data from local newspapers, radio transcripts, and organization websites and materials from 1995 to 2007 to examine the political processes surrounding the project. Previous research on coalition–building strategies and regionalism informs the theoretical approach of the article. Key findings suggest that traffic congestion acts as a powerful motivator for uniting urban and suburban interests. the research also supports previous findings that big–city mayors seldom take the lead in promoting regional cooperation. in addition, findings suggest that governor–brokered coalitions can be relatively unstable, and that the possibility for receiving federal funds promotes regional cooperation along the lines of transportation issues.

The author raises an interesting subject, hitherto unexplored comprehensively in American and Polish media studies, namely, the problem of topics of investigative journalism and journalistic intervention at the level of local newspaper publishers. In local media, just as in national media, disclosure of corruption and misconduct of local government happens quite rarely. Additionally, the checking activity – as the watchdog function of the press – is present in the Polish reality only in some local commercial media which are independent from local government. The author discusses the impact of the media's checking function for the selection of topics by local investigative journalists and the nature of the activities of local political and business decision-makers limiting the subjects addressed by investigative reporters. A comparative analysis relates the problems of the functioning of local government and local communities which are aired in articles published by investigative journalists and journalistic intervention. For the comparison, articles recognised by the jury of the Pulitzer Prize for investigative journalism 1926–2015 and texts submitted and recognised in the "Local Press" competition 2012–2013 organised by the Association of Local Newspapers were used. ; Autor podjął ciekawy, chociaż do tej pory niezbadany kompleksowo na gruncie amerykańskiego i polskiego medioznawstwa problem tematyki poruszanej w publikacjach dziennikarstwa śledczego i interwencyjnego na poziomie lokalnych wydawnictw prasowych. Podobnie jak w mediach ogólnokrajowych ujawnianie afer i nagłaśnianie niewłaściwych zachowań władzy zdarza się dosyć rzadko w mediach lokalnych, a działalność kontrolna w ramach watchdog function of the press występuje w polskich realiach tylko w nielicznych lokalnych mediach komercyjnych, niezależnych od organów samorządowych. Autor omawia wpływ funkcji kontrolnej mediów na dobór tematyki przez lokalnych dziennikarzy śledczych oraz charakter działań lokalnych decydentów politycznych i biznesowych ograniczających tematykę podejmowaną przez reporterów dochodzeniowych. Analizie porównawczej poddano problemy funkcjonowania organów samorządowych oraz społeczności lokalnych nagłaśniane w publikacjach demaskatorskich i interwencyjnych. Do porównania wykorzystano artykuły o tematyce lokalnej nagrodzone Pulitzer Prize za dziennikarstwo śledcze w latach 1926–2015 oraz materiały nadesłane i nagrodzone w latach 2012–2013 w konkursie "Local Press", organizowanym przez Stowarzyszenie Gazet Lokalnych.

This article examines changes in Polish local press at the turn of the second and the third decade of the 21st Century, directly or indirectly related to the coronavirus pandemic. For years, statistics have been showing declining sales of printed press. This is mainly the case of the general-interest newspapers – national, regional, and local alike. Internet media platforms are increasingly important and often take over the role of the leading local media. Due to their limited reach, local publishers felt the losses from reduced advertising revenue and copy sales even more acutely than national publishers. Local press and small publishing teams struggled to cope with the impact of the pandemic and demand for digitization. So, what will the local press look like in the following years? How will the pandemic change the face of the local press? This study addresses these issues based on findings from desk research, case studies, and content analysis of relevant media. The result of the research is the confirmation of changes in the field of local communication, especially in its channels. The printed press arouses less and less interest among recipients and ceases to function as the fourth estate.

Diese Dissertation untersucht den politischen Missbrauch von Medien und deren Instrumentalisierung während der NATO-Bombardierung Jugoslawiens im März / Juni 1999. Vor der Fokussierung auf globale Quellen konzentriert sich diese Arbeit auf die internen Implikationen und Konsequenzen der lokalen Medienberichterstattung, sowohl von der Regierung als auch von den unabhängigen Medien.Ich wählte zwei serbische Tageszeitungen aus, beide mit Sitz in Belgrad, Serbien. Eine davon ist Politika, die zur Zeit (und in den meisten der 1990er Jahre) regierungsnah und ausgesprochen nationalistisch war, und Glas javnosti, ein Ventil, dass bis zu einem gewissen Grad als Vertreter der freien Meinungsäußerung während des Konflikts angesehen wurde. Es ist umstritten, ob ein Outlet völlig unabhängig sein und der freien Meinungsäußerung folgen kann, angesichts der besonderen Umstände, unter denen sich die Medienfreiheit 1999 und in den folgenden Jahren (lokal und global) befand. ^Der andere Grund war, dass ein vom Krieg zerrüttetes Land nicht der Boden war, wo gesunde oder vernünftige politische und soziale Perspektiven wuchsen.Der Medienkrieg wurde in den 90er Jahren immer wieder durch Konflikte angefacht, erreichte aber während der Intervention im Kosovo im Jahr 1999 seinen Höhepunkt. Sowohl die von mir erwähnten als auch die anderen Stellen im Land spiegeln weitgehend den Umfang und die Art der Berichterstattung während des Konflikts wider und zeigen die offenkundig verdeckte und aufgedeckte Sicht auf die Entwicklung des Krieges - ihre Perspektiven basieren vollständig auf ihr politisches Eigentum.Der Missbrauch von Medien während der Kosovo-Intervention im Jahr 1999: Ich werde zeigen, dass die serbischen Medien ihre Berichterstattung auf ihre Eigentumsstrukturen stützen - das heißt, auf dem politischen Hintergrund, der sich stark auf das auswirkte, was dem allgemeinen Publikum gemeldet wurde. ^Es kann argumentiert werden, dass heute nicht viel anders wäre: Die regierungsnahen Papiere würden höchstwahrscheinlich eine nationalistische Tirade aus jeder neuen Information oder Veranstaltung machen, während unabhängige Medien für Anerkennung und Unterstützung in einem Land kämpften, in dem die Medienfreiheiten begraben wurden und wieder zum Leben erweckt, als irgendjemand zählen kann.Als Methode habe ich die Berichterstattung über das Verhalten der Regierung gegenüber äußeren Kräften, die "die territoriale Integrität und Souveränität Jugoslawiens bedrohten, chronologisch interpretieren und vergleichen. Es war nicht sehr schwierig, Artikel und Materialien aus der Zeit zu finden. Sie sind reichlich in spezialisierten Archiven in Belgrad, sowie online. Beispiele davon werden in mehreren Kapiteln gegeben, mit präzisen Erläuterungen zur Relevanz der Daten und Vorfälle, die gemeldet wurden. ^Diese Arbeit wird auch versuchen, auf Dinge hinzuweisen, die aufgrund politischer Manipulation und (Selbst-) Zensur nicht aus der Berichterstattung ausgelassen wurden.Hauptsächlich wird die Arbeit zeigen, wie eine tief instrumentalisierte und vereinfachte Darstellung sehr schwerer Konflikte sein kann und wie leicht Polarisierung auftritt, wenn sie in und durch die Medien durchgesetzt wird, besonders an Orten mit einer Geschichte ethnischer Spannungen. Ich werde anhand von Beispielen von Vorfällen und Ereignissen erklären, wie Machtmissbrauch und strikte Zensur über jedem unabhängigen Medienunternehmen aufgetaucht sind.Durch die Präsentationen der Artikel werden wir schrittweise das Gesamtbild sehen und eine Atmosphäre schaffen, die damals existierte: vollständige Zensur und Propaganda, angeheizt durch den starken politischen Hintergrund und gelegentliche Spuren von professionellem Journalismus und freier Rede auf der anderen Seite. ^Dies zeigt das Ausmaß des Missbrauchs der Medien und den Unterschied zwischen diesem politischen Einfluss auf der einen Seite, der freien Rede und den Zielen auf der anderen Seite. ; Master Thesis: Instrumentalization of local media during 1999 Kosovo humanitarian interventionInterdisciplinary Joint Masters Programme in South-Eastern European StudiesStudent: Kristina StevancevicProfessor: Florian BieberAutumn/Winter semester 2017This thesis examines political misuse of media outlets and their instrumentalisation during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in March-June 1999. Rather than what global media outlets fixated on, the thesis focuses on internal implications and consequences that local media coverage had, from the pro-government and from the independent standpoint. I chose two Serbian daily newspapers, both with headquarters in Belgrade, Serbia. One is Politika, which was pro-governmental and outspokenly nationalistic at the time (and through most of the 1990s), and Glas javnosti, an outlet seen to a degree as a representative of free speech during the conflict. ^It is debatable whether any outlet could be entirely independent and adherent to free speech, given the particular circumstances in which media freedom found itself in 1999. and the following years (locally and globally). The other reason was that a war-torn country was not the ground where healthy or reasonable political and social perspectives grew. The media war was being continually fueled by conflicts throughout the 1990s, but peaked during the 1999 intervention in Kosovo. Both of the outlets I mentioned as well as others in the country reflect to a great extent the volume and type of reporting done during the conflict, and show the apparent covered and uncovered view of the development of the war - their perspectives being entirely based on their political ownership. ^The political misuse of media during the Kosovo intervention in 1999: I will showcase that Serb media outlets based their coverage on their ownership structures- that is, on the political background that interfered heavily with what was being reported to the general audience. It can be argued that not much would be different today: the pro-government papers would very likely make a nationalistic tirade out of any new information or event, while independent outlets would struggle for recognition and support in a country where media freedoms have been buried and brought back to life more times than anyone can count. As a method I chose to chronologically interpret and compare the reporting done in regards to the behavior of the government towards outside forces which were "threatening the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia. Finding articles and materials from the time was not very difficult; they are plentiful in specialized archives in Belgrade, as well as online. ^Examples of them will be given in several chapters, with precise explanations about the relevance of dates and incidents which were reported. This thesis will also try to point out things that were not being omitted from reporting due to political manipulation and (self-) censorship. Mainly, the thesis will show how a deeply instrumentalised and simplified depiction of very serious conflicts can be, and how easily polarisation occurs when it is enforced in and through the media, especially in places with a history of ethnic tensions. I will explain through examples of incidents and events how the abuse of power and strict censorship loomed over each independent media outlet. Through the presentations of the articles we will gradually see the bigger picture and recreate an atmosphere that existed at the time: complete censorship and propaganda, fueled by the strong political background, and occasional traces of professional journalism and free speech on the other side. ^This will show the extent of misuse of the media, and the difference between that political influence on one side, against free speech and objectives on the other. ; submitted by Kristina Stevančević ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)2422854

This study is an empirical assessment of service delivery in Nigerian Local Government system using Idah Local Government Area of Kogi State as a case study from 2003-2010. Structured questionnaire made up of open and close ended questions; personal observation and interview were used to collect primary data. The secondary data were collected through textbooks, journals, newspapers, government and internet publications. Analysis of data was through descriptive statistics of pie charts, tables and simple percentages. The study revealed that Idah Local Government has averagely performed in service delivery. In spite of this, the study discovered that some of the factors affecting the discharge of service delivery in Idah Local Government in terms timeliness, satisfaction, adequacy and effectiveness are insufficient funds; irregular payment of salaries and allowances; undue political interference and divided loyalty; poor observance of the principle of meritocracy in recruitment and promotion of staff and corruption. It was recommended among others that employment and promotion should be based on ability, high performance, experience, qualification and not patronage; intensification of the campaign against corruption at the local government level by bringing to book all corrupt public officials; regular payment of salaries and allowances and increase funding backed up by prudent management. Finally, the study recommends that undue political interference in the affairs of local governments should be discouraged and stopped. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n2p621

In 2015 and 2019, respectively, in the cities of Mariana and Brumadinho, in the state of Minas Gerais (Brazil), the two most significant environmental and labor disasters in the history of the country occurred. Two iron ore tailings dams ruptured. These disasters had a consider-able impact on the lives of the communities where they happened, and received widespread coverage in the Brazilian and international media. This article analyzes the highlights from printed media with the most significant national circulation (Folha de S. Paulo, O Globo, Veja, and Época) as well as regional ones in the Minas Gerais State (Estado de Minas and O Tempo). The article concentrates on the first pages of the chosen media's coverage within one year after these incidents. Quantitative analysis of the content of 3,148 covers of these newspapers and magazines was used to determine the most prominent actors and themes. The main highlights of this paper are: (i) the role of local populations, as the most prominent actors, portrayed in their testimonies and personal stories (ii) the difference between the most prominent themes, which were, in Mariana, publications on environmental damage, and, in Brumadinho, the threat of new disasters; and (iii) the greater emphasis given by the regional media in comparison to the national ones. This study provides local communities with information about how they were represented and how the press received their de-mands and mobilizations. The article also offers elements for discussion and the use of stra-tegic communication tools in the mobilization of local populations and the repair of damage to the image of the organizations involved.

Defence date: 9 December 2014 ; Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Rainer Bauböck, EUI; Professor Ruud Koopmans, Humboldt University; Professor Laura Morales, University of Leicester. ; This research focuses on the politicization of immigration as an issue in local electoral campaigns, comparing the cases of three Italian cities. Based on the idea that immigration must not be understood as a one-dimensional category that parties endorse or dismiss, support or oppose, I investigate its multidimensional nature, and the importance of local factors and opportunities in determining public debates. Focusing on the dimensional choices and framing strategies of competing electoral actors, I propose an account of the different constitutive dimensions of immigration debates, and suggest that parties - next to competing over different issues - also compete with one another by selectively and strategically emphasizing different aspects of the same social reality. In particular, I identify three main dimensions of the immigration issue - the socioeconomic, cultural and religious, and law and order dimension - and seven specific frames corresponding to the arguments and justifications mobilized by political actors to articulate support and opposition to immigration. The construction of public agendas in electoral campaign periods is measured through an empirical content analysis of the coverage of local elections by newspapers and of local parties' electoral manifestos across two campaigns in the cities of Milan, Rome and Prato (2004-2011). The results show not only that debates in different local settings deal with immigration in substantively different ways, but also that parties' electoral strategies rely upon the thematic structure of the issue, exploiting immigration dimensions in order to increase the accessibility and resonance of their messages among local electorates. The results of this dissertation offer one of the first comprehensive analyses of an issue that has too often been considered "emerging" in party competition, showing that when the issue cannot be dismissed, actors compete on its constitutive dimensions by mobilizing aspects on which they enjoy a strategic advantage. These findings pave the way to connect this field of research with other promising areas within the social and political sciences, such as public opinion research and the study of mediatization and communication in party politics, providing new insights into electoral politics and campaigning.

In the last decade there has been a plethora of books about Irish soldiers in the First World War, yet the fact that recruitment to the British forces continued into the interwar period and the Second World War has received comparatively little attention. Steven O'Connor's work addresses this gap by providing a much-needed assessment of officer recruitment to the British military after Irish independence. Based on archival research, oral testimony and a database of 1,000 officers it examines the reasons why young Irish people took the king's commission. It explores their subsequent experiences and identity in the forces, and places them within the wider context of Commonwealth recruitment to the British forces. Drawing on evidence from police reports, debates in town councils and local newspapers this volume also offers the first comprehensive account of reactions in independent Ireland to British recruitment and the shared military past.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction to the 25th Anniversary Edition -- Introduction to the First Edition -- Part 1: Departure -- 1. The Decline of American Journalism -- 2. Spiking the Spiritual -- 3. Not without Personal Cost -- 4. Man's Subjectivity vs. God's Plumb Line -- Part 2: Exile -- 5. Ethics without Christ? -- 6. Libel: Utilitarian Justice vs. Biblical Truth-Telling -- 7. Press vs. Public -- 8. Perceptive Media Watching -- Part 3: Return? -- 9. Network News and Local Newspapers: The Coming Economic Judgment -- 10. The Devil in the Electrons -- 11. Coverage of Sensation and Disaster: The Gaining and Keeping of Audiences -- 12. Crusading on Social and Political Issues: Personalization and Persistence -- 13. A Christian Journalism Revival? -- Appendix 1 The Best of the Worst: Examples of Media Bias -- Appendix 2 Additional Resources -- Appendix 3 Public Relations, Theology, and Practice -- Index of Scripture -- Index of Subjects and Names -- Notes.

When thousands of women gathered in 1983 to protest the stockpiling of nuclear weapons at a rural upstate New York military depot, the area was shaken by their actions. What so disturbed residents that they organized counterdemonstrations, wrote hundreds of letters to local newspapers, verbally and physically harassed the protestors, and nearly rioted to stop one of the protest marches? Louise Krasniewicz reconstructs the drama surrounding the Women's Encampment for a Future of Peace and Justice in Seneca County, New York, analyzing it as a clash both between and within communities. She shows how debates about gender and authority-including questions of morality, patriotism, women's roles, and sexuality-came to overshadow arguments about the risks of living in a nuclear world. Vivid ethnography and vibrant social history, this work will engage readers interested in American culture, women's studies, peace studies, and cultural anthropology.

When thousands of women gathered in 1983 to protest the stockpiling of nuclear weapons at a rural upstate New York military depot, the area was shaken by their actions. What so disturbed residents that they organized counterdemonstrations, wrote hundreds of letters to local newspapers, verbally and physically harassed the protestors, and nearly rioted to stop one of the protest marches? Louise Krasniewicz reconstructs the drama surrounding the Women's Encampment for a Future of Peace and Justice in Seneca County, New York, analyzing it as a clash both between and within communities. She shows how debates about gender and authority—including questions of morality, patriotism, women's roles, and sexuality—came to overshadow arguments about the risks of living in a nuclear world. Vivid ethnography and vibrant social history, this work will engage readers interested in American culture, women's studies, peace studies, and cultural anthropology.

In this paper, we present a rent-seeking model of conflict, which highlights the role of ideology in determining whether the government or the rebels take the initiative. We use the model to interpret the impact of a large-scale Community-Driven Development project on civil conflict in the Philippines. The country is characterized by the presence of two rebel groups, the New People's Army (NPA) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), with two distinct ideologies. We use a unique geo-referenced panel dataset on the occurrence of conflicts in 2003 and 2006 gathered from local newspapers that we match with nationally representative household survey and budget data on all municipalities in the country. Consistent with our model's predictions, using a variety of estimation strategies, we find robust evidence that the project leads to a decline in MILF-related events and to an increase in NPA-related events.

In this paper, we present a rent-seeking model of conflict, which highlights the role of ideology in determining whether the government or the rebels take the initiative. We use the model to interpret the impact of a large-scale Community-Driven Development project on civil conflict in the Philippines. The country is characterized by the presence of two rebel groups, the New People's Army (NPA) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), with two distinct ideologies. We use a unique geo-referenced panel dataset on the occurrence of conflicts in 2003 and 2006 gathered from local newspapers that we match with nationally representative household survey and budget data on all municipalities in the country. Consistent with our model's predictions, using a variety of estimation strategies, we find robust evidence that the project leads to a decline in MILF-related events and to an increase in NPA-related events.