Suchergebnisse

A country's memory is understood as the elaboration that a group or society develops about its past, in terms of its tradition, its historical memory, or its foundational landmarks, all of which are linked to a national project. This article considers as foundational landmarks of Chile of the last 30 years the crisis of the Popular Unity's national-popular project; the military coup & the dictatorship; & the Plebiscite & the political redemocratization. Two dates, 11 Sept & 5 Oct are symbolic dates for the latter two foundational landmarks. In Chile, national memory is still fragmented. A national project cannot exist in the absence of a collective memory that transcends these current divisions & fragmentations in the ethical (truth & justice in human rights), socioeconomic (equality), & political (a consensual constitutional order) realms. 43 References. Adapted from the source document.

The 8 articles in this volume, summarized here, explore the antecedents, events, programs, & actors of Ernesto Zedillo's presidential term in Mexico, the last term of the long-lived Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) in Mexico. They include discussion of political party affiliation & voting behavior, the difficult relationship of Zedillo with the PRI, the platform & strategies of the parties opposing the PRI, the results of programs instituted by Zedillo (the North American Free Trade Agreement & the modernization of public administration), unionism, & conflict between the EZLN & the government. M. Pflum

"Critiques impact of structural adjustment on household composition and women in the labor market and at home. Argues that the policies' effects on women's access to basic needs ensure long-term poverty and violence. Examines household and market survival strategies, and male-female differences in unemployment and income trends"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

A study was carried out using Chilean government statistics on interest rates and data from the performance of the Chilean stock market between 1989 and 1997 to evaluate their predictive value in relation to the Chilean gross national product. The best predictive functions for the Chilean national product, in descending order, included: (a) intermediate term interest rates, (b) differential "spread" between short and long term interest rates, and (c) behavior of the stock market. In contrast with the United States, the "spread" contains less information concerning the projected national product than do short, medium and long-term interest rates. To obtain the best projections for stock market performance, the general stock market index (IGPA) needs to be calculated on an 18-month basis, rather than as typically done on a monthly or quarterly basis. In any case, the predictive power of the IGPA is low compared with that of intermediate term interest rates. We found, in contrast to previous studies reported for Chile, that predictions of gross national product based on the stock market were reliable only over the short term (less than one year), while predictions made from the observed behavior of medium-term interest rates spanned a two-year horizon. In particular, the intermediate term interest rate had a greater potential for prediction of economic activity over a six-month period than stock market-based predictions, which were only good over four months. Finally, the models proposed were parsimonious and efficient, and continued to be valid when applied to data outside the present study (post 1997). ; En la búsqueda de predictores eficientes del comportamiento del producto nacional chileno, las variables que contienen mayor información son la tasa de interés de plazo medio, el diferencial entre la tasa de interés de largo plazo y la tasa de interés de corto plazo (el spread) y el mercado accionario, en ese orden. Además, a diferencia del caso de los Estados Unidos, el spread contiene menos información acerca ...

This article poses the relation between the use of political time & a particular attitude toward power, namely, resistance. Resistance is defined by hidden forms of opposition of the weakest, works in long-term processes, & is developed in both private & public spheres. The author arguments that "future" is the specific time used by those who usually resist against dominion & power. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper is a preliminary attempt to respond to the challenge of "adding value" to the politics of development, prepared for the World Bank's 2000/1 World Development Report. The authors explore the scope & limits of a political capabilities approach by assessing the forty-year-long process of grassroots collective action that emerged between the Bolivian Agrarian reform & the most recent Popular Participation reform. A focus on political capabilities is intended to address what a long-term & political approach could add to our understanding of pro-poor policy making. To conclude, the authors consider some of the implications of a political capabilities approach in the context of current thinking on poverty. 1 Reference. Adapted from the source document.

The objective of this essay is to analyze the effects of the minimal nominal wage, a monetary aggregate and the exchange rate on the price level using the Johansen procedure for co-integration. The empirical evidence indicates the existence of a long term relationship among those variables and the price level that can be interpreted as a price equation. The econometric model allows establishing the specific weights of each of these variables. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)

Examines limits of the public sphere in Latin America, focusing on social exclusion, resulting from the dominant form of interest intermediation ("neopluralism") and the gap between the general population and the political elite; case study of Chile after the return of democratic government in 1990; recommendations. Summary in English.

Mexico's interest in the Asia-Pacific region was promoted during Luis Echeverria's administration, when diplomatic relations were established with the People's Republic of China & much of Southeast Asia & Oceania. However, after the 1982 economic crisis, Mexican diplomacy in the region declined, & when the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC) was formed, the Salinas administration did not consider participating. Because Mexico negotiated a free trade agreement with the US & Canada -- both founders of APEC -- the following year it was invited to join the forum, even before Chile, the only other Latin American country that had showed any interest in joining & which had stronger commercial ties with the Asia-Pacific region than Mexico. The Zedillo administration considered APEC just another forum the president would have to attend once a year, without really considering the need to structure a specific policy for the forum, since Mexico had little contact with most countries on the other side of the Pacific. Thus, the forum was simply considered one more place to speak out in favor of economic liberalism, but not as an option to build, in the mid- or long term, a relationship based on multiple interests with nations that have an increasingly important role in the world economy & in determining world stability & peace. In sum, even though Mexico's policy toward APEC might have been improvised, its participation, including the commitment to organize the central conferences in 2002, is a fact in the mid- & long terms. Adapted from the source document.

RESUMEN: En el año 2003, la Facultad de Ingeniería de la Universidad de Antioquia cumple 60 años de su más reciente fundación; esto es así porque la Facultad fue la primera escuela de ingeniería de Colombia y tiene una larga historia que se remonta hasta la época de la guerra de independencia. En efecto, a fines de agosto de 1814 se inauguró en Medellín la primera Escuela Colombiana de Ingenieros Militares, bajo la dirección del "coronel injeniero jeneral" Francisco José de Caldas, que funcionó hasta el 25 de septiembre de 1815. Así pues, la evolución de la Facultad es larga y merece conocerse y guardar memoria de ella, de ahí el pretexto de esta conmemoración para presentar brevemente esta historia de una entidad que ahora entra a su tercer siglo de existencia. En esta primera entrega se hace un recuento desde su primera fundación hasta el inicio del decenio de 1980. ; ABSTRACT: In the year 2003, the College of Engineering of the University of Antioquia arrives to 60 years from its more recent foundation; this is so, because this College was the first School of Engineering in Colombia and really has a long history that goes back to the Independence times. In fact, at the end of August, 1814, in Medellín, the first Colombian Academy of Military Engineers was inaugurated, under the guidance of "coronel injeniero general", Francisco José de Caldas, and functioned up to September 25, 1815. So, the evolution of our College is quite long and deserves to be related and kept in the common memory. For that reason, this anniversary is a good excuse for a brief presentation of the history of an entity that now enters its third century of existence. In this first issue an account is done from its very beginning up to 1980 decade.

Past conflicts between Chile & Peru have generated negative perceptions of each other. Chile emerged victorious from the Pacific War & developed excessive national pride, seeing itself as conqueror & Peru as conquered. The spread of Chilean capital into Peru exacerbated Peruvians' image of Chile as an arrogant invader & the loss of territory to Chile from the war remains an open wound. Per a 2002 survey, about a third of Chile's population sees armed conflict with Peru as a possibility. Changing the negative images of the other country will occur only with long-term cultural change. 1 Table, 2 Figures. M. Pflum

This article presents a structuralist model for the Peruvian economy, which seeks to capture some of its key features, such as the dependence on intermediate and capital goods, the relative rigidity of the export and agricultural supply, the existence of parastatal input producers and the possibility of financing the production through foreign debt. The model is later used to explain the long-term restrictions to growth. The author criticizes the economic policy of the Belaunde regime and presents the logic of the heterodox alternative and the reasons of its initial success and later disaster