Suchergebnisse

Xu Zhi. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 61-62 (2nd gp.)). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.II ; 中文摘要 --- p.V ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.XI ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- VALUE OR GROWTH STOCK? --- p.6 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Summary Statistics: Financial Ratios of h Shares --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Profitability analysis --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Debt Structure --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- Operational Management --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Corporate Identity: Value or Growth Stock? --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Are H Shares Value Stocks? --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Are H Shares Growth Stocks? --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Summary --- p.13 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- THE METHODOLOGY OF EVENT STUDIES --- p.14 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Brief Outline of an Event Study --- p.15 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Issues on Event Studies --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Unknown Event Dates --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Which is the best benchmark model for the normal return? --- p.18 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Hypothesis testing and problems with heteroskedasticity and dependence --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.4 --- A multivariate regression model (MVRM) employed in the event study --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2.5 --- Measuring long horizon security price performance --- p.26 ; Chapter 3.2.6 --- Use daily return or monthly return in event study? --- p.27 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- ARE H SHARES WANTED: DEAD OR ALIVE? --- p.28 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Definitions of Events --- p.28 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Sample and Estimation Procedures --- p.30 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- Sample Selection --- p.30 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Estimation Procedures --- p.30 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Empirical Results of Good and Bad Earnings Announcements --- p.31 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- Short Term Effects on Securities Prices --- p.31 ; Chapter 4.3.2 --- Long Term Post-Earnings-Announcement Drifts --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3.3 --- Regression Analysis --- p.35 ; Chapter 4.3.3.1 --- REGRESSION RESULTS FOR GOOD EARNINGS ...

Hong Kong is clearly within the 'One Country' and this is simply no longer an issue. How the 'Two Systems' can survive, and how they should interact, is the riding question. The substance of mutual legal assistance in general, and extradition — or rendition — in particular, in a domestic context is not necessarily different from that in an international context. Such assistance will be the subject of an agreement between two jurisdictions arrived at through a process of negotiation and agreed upon by both parties. There is no inherent substance in any extradition agreement, international or otherwise. The substance is negotiable depending upon necessity and the parties' political will and political skill. No one party should impose its will on the other. The only question is what are the terms that should go into a rendition agreement between Hong Kong and the Mainland? ; published_or_final_version

There is a continuing struggle between the demand of a market economy for judicial efficiency, impartiality, and professional conduct on the one hand, and the resistance of the traditional ideology to judicial reform, on the other. The current discipline campaign, as a temporary movement, will undoubtedly reduce the incidence of corruption scandals and result in the punishment of violators over a short period. The tougher job, nevertheless, is to reform the current system by introducing a supervisory scheme thai will deter and deal with abuses effectively in the long run. This will improve the quality of the entire judiciary and further develop true judicial independence in China. In terms of the big picture, the upgrading of judicial performance will not be achieved in isolation, but to a large degree, depend on the progress of the rule of law in China. ; published_or_final_version

The Manchus established the Qing dynasty that ruled China for 267 years. There are many reasons for their long-term governance, one of which is believed to be the establishment of a well-structured bureaucratic system with high administrative efficiency. Emperor Yongzheng introduced a major reform of the southwest border administrative structure, which laid a solid foundation for the centralization of politics and enhanced regional stability for subsequent monarchs. This dissertation investigates the role that the Green Standard Army played in the bureaucratization of the tribal headman institution in Yunnan during the reign of Yongzheng and its continuing importance in enhancing regional stability and prosperity thereafter. The dissertation comprises six chapters. Chapter One is an introduction in which the objectives of the study are explained and the research literature on the topic is reviewed. Chapter Two consists of detailed elaboration on the origins and development of the tribal headman system, Yongzheng's changing attitude towards the bureaucratization policy and the reasons for its final implementation. Chapter Three examines the historical importance of the Green Standard Army in terms of the early-Qing military and politics. Special attention is paid to the Army's role in suppressing the Revolt of the Three Feudatories. Chapter Four cites several examples to show that the Army functioned effectively as a government agency during the process of bureaucratization, although its importance gradually declined. Chapter Five outlines the natural geographical conditions of the Yunnan region and explains the extent to which the bureaucratization policy influenced regional development. Chapter Six concludes the dissertation. ; published_or_final_version ; Chinese Historical Studies ; Master ; Master of Arts

Tam, Sin Yu Ophelia. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 203-209). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Scope of study --- p.1 ; The policy change in the context of the education system in Hong Kong --- p.4 ; Theoretical discussion and literature review --- p.10 ; Definition of terms --- p.10 ; Multicultural education --- p.16 ; Newspaper coverage of South Asians in Hong Kong --- p.22 ; My methodology and its problems --- p.26 ; My involvement in the field --- p.26 ; Areas of study --- p.30 ; Methodological problems --- p.32 ; Summary of chapters --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Historical and Socioeconomic Context of South Asians in Hong Kong --- p.40 ; Introduction --- p.40 ; Socioeconomic situation of South Asians --- p.43 ; Occupational pattern --- p.43 ; Language spoken --- p.47 ; Educational attainment --- p.50 ; Discrimination and legislation --- p.56 ; Concluding remarks --- p.58 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Educational Opportunities and Education Systems for Ethnic Minorities in Hong Kong --- p.60 ; Introduction --- p.60 ; Medium of instruction in history --- p.61 ; Education systems in Hong Kong for ethnic minorities --- p.69 ; Three types of schools based on the medium of instruction --- p.69 ; The fieldsite school - a case study --- p.75 ; The policy change --- p.80 ; The school place allocation system for ethnic minorities --- p.81 ; Concluding remarks --- p.84 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Views of the Education and Manpower Bureau --- p.87 ; Introduction --- p.87 ; Background --- p.88 ; Promoting integration --- p.90 ; School closer to home --- p.97 ; The principle of equal opportunities --- p.98 ; More choice of schools --- p.102 ; Concluding remarks --- p.104 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Views of the Concern Group --- p.107 ; Introduction --- p.107 ; "Background: The meaning of ""integration""" --- p.107 ; Better Chinese language skills? --- p.112 ; Lack of resources and long-term planning --- ...

对于转型期中国的劳动争议,为何国家一边推动以法律规则为本位的劳动监管体系,另一边又不断恢复各种软化法律规则约束力的调解机制?为何从中央到地方再到各部门官僚都偏好于以调解的方式来处置劳动争议?而且,为什么90年代以来大规模的建章立制没有提升准司法的裁决率和司法的判决率,反而使得劳动争议的调解率长期居高不下?国家是如何维持强大的调解能力的?劳资双方又为何愿意接受国家的调解?最后,国家对调解的偏好又会对工人维权行动带来什么样的影响?对于上述问题,本文提出一种"司法化与"政治化并行的双向运动的解释框架。虽然转型期的中国国家在司法机构建设、法律制定、等方面显示出一定的"司法化特征,但是与此同时国家也不断将司法体系"政治化,不仅干预和限制司法权力的行使,也在实际执行过程中软化法律规则的约束力。这种双向运动既根源于革命根据地时期和计划经济时期的制度遗产,也因转型期威权政体内部利益分化而不断强化。这两者也给劳资双方塑造了特殊的政治机会结构,既默许资方规避司法诉讼来压制工人维权,也促使工人高度依赖于国家调解来获得有限的经济赔偿。结果,"调解优先成为劳动争议处置的支配性策略,调解机制逐渐替代了劳动监察、行政裁决和司法判决等直接诉诸国家强制性权力的处置方式。这也是长期以来中国劳动争议调解率居高不下的主要原因。这种双向运动分别在宏观层面和微观层面带来了不同的后果。在宏观层面,"调解优先的策略发挥了分化工人的功能,使得制度化维权渠道中的劳动争议日益个体化和原子化。在微观层面,工人们"准司法化的维权观与国家"去司法化的维稳观之间产生了激烈的张力,形成了"挤出效应,迫使越来越多的维权工人退出法庭并走向街头,采取直接的、对抗性的、激进的、乃至暴力化的抗争行动。 ; An expansion of mediation in China's labor disputes resolution has gathered significant momentum since the middle of the 2000s. This tendency stems from the state's long-term dependency on politicized mediatory measure to contain labor's disruptive impulses. And the fragmentation of interests inside the authoritarian regime further marginalizes laws and judicial institutions in resolving grievance. These two factors have together shaped a political opportunity structure as "mediate first for both the labor and capital, and consequently, given a great impetus to the Grand Mediation campaign. By mobilizing grass-roots and non-judicial mediatory agencies to proactively intervene in labor conflict, the Grand Mediation has reinforced the state's capacity in managing contentious issues without resorting to either heavy handed repression or adversarial litigation. However, regarding the contradiction of the politicized mediation with workers' judicialized preference, the state's over-reliance on mediation may impel workers to alienate from institutionalized channel and subsequently deteriorates China's industrial relation. It is further argued that the prevailing of Grand Mediation may trigger off disruptive and violent labor protests in the long run. All in all, the tendency of "mediate first reveals a ...

殖民時期的香港一直被丛书新自由主義的經典例子。加上香港殖民政府的剝削本質,它一般不會提供廉價醫療服務給予普羅大眾。然而,儘管有「積極不干預主義」這口號,殖民政府仍然於香港留下了龐大公營醫療系統。為什麼龐大公營醫療系統與放任自由主義並存於二次世界大戰後的香港社會? ; 為了解答以上疑問,本研究將從一九六四年醫療改革,探討香港戰後醫療政策。本文認為,香港研究忽視了冷戰對香港公共衛生的影響。文獻回顧後,實證研究分為三部分。第一部分提出「衛生關注」(Sanitary Concern)不足以構成醫療改革的原因。第二部分通過文本分析,發現六十年代的主流報章不重視醫療改革,由此可見改革並非基於公眾的訴求。最後的部分從戰後政府檔案,發現長遠的公營醫療規劃沿於五十年代後期。同時,戰後公營醫療系統的擴張,更可能是因為殖民政府為了確保足夠的戰時緊急醫療服務,及防止左派利用社區診所滲透入基層。 ; Hong Kong has been regarded as a textbook example of Neo Liberalism. The exploitative nature of a colonial government makes it unlikely for the colonial state to make commitment for low-cost medical services to the general public. However, the slogan of "positive non-interventionism notwithstanding, the strong public health sector in Hong Kong is also a colonial legacy. Why was such a state-centered medical system established in a laissez-faire society after the Second World War? ; This thesis aims at investigating the 1964 hospital reform in Hong Kong to study the colonial governance and arguing that the Cold War factor has been neglected in the analysis of the medical-institutional change. After the literature review, there are three empirical sections to support this explanation. The first part finds that sanitary concern was not a strong reason for the reform. In the second part, a context analysis on newspaper during the 1960s shows that the hospital reform was simply neglected by most newspapers, which implies that the reform was not the direct result of public pressure. The final part looks into the long-term medical planning since the late 1950 and several related medical policies through different archives in order to demonstrate the impacts of Cold War's politics on Hong Kong's medical services provision. Evidences suggest that self-sufficiency of military-emergency medical services and control over the growing influence of left-wing community clinics could be a more convincing explanation for the reform. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tang, Kai Yi. ...

本論文從兩個方面研究了1996年美國福利制度改革對單身母親的影響。首先,本文研究了在SSI和AFDC/TANF兩個政府福利計劃之間是否存在替代效應。其次,本文研究了福利制度改革是否令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化(沒有參與工作亦沒有領取政府福利),以及研究她們的長期生活情況。利用美國三個具代表性的調查數據庫, difference-in-difference分析以及logistic回歸分析方法,本文有以下四點結論:(一)SSI和AFDC計劃之間並不存在替代效應;(二)對AFDC/TANF計劃實行五年的領取期限令到部分單身母親變得邊緣化;(三)在年福利改革之後,被邊緣化的單身母親在食物消費上並沒有發生太大的變化;(四)被邊緣化的單身母親傾向將她們多餘的時間分配在個人娛樂方面而不是在家務和照顧小孩上面。雖然年的福利改革成功地減少了領取/計劃的人數,但政策制定者仍需注意改革令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化,同時應制定相關政策來幫助她們。 ; This paper studies the effect of the 1996 welfare reform on single mothers, focusing on two important aspects. First, it examines the existence of programme substitution between SSI and former AFDC/TANF recipients after the reform. Second, it examines the prevalence of single mothers who were disconnected from government assistance and the job market since the reform and evaluates their long-term well-being. Using three major nationally representative surveys, difference-in-difference analysis, and logistic regression models, I arrive at four main findings. First, I find no evidence of a programme substitution effect between AFDC/TANF and SSI. Second, the five-year time limit policy is suggested as being responsible for part of the increase in the disconnected rate among single mothers. Third, disconnected single mothers did not face a food insecurity problem after welfare reform. Fourth, disconnected single mothers allocate much more time to personal entertainment than to productive activities such as housework and child care. While the 1996 welfare reform has succeeded in reducing AFDC/TANF caseloads, policy makers should pay attention to its effects on the disconnectedness of single mothers and help such women leave their disconnected status. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Hoi, Kam Un. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-62). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 摘要 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- The AFDC Programme and the 1996 Welfare ...

本文的目的在於理解南潯作為一個繁榮的江南市鎮,如何在十九世紀的各個階段得到有效的管理,以及其領導層的組成如何隨著外界的政治經濟變遷而改變。作者選擇市鎮作為研究單位,其目的在於將市場和周邊的村落放在同一單位下檢視,以求更好地在經濟和社會層面認識中國之城鄉連續體的本質。通過細讀地方一手史料(包括地方志、族譜、報紙和文集),本文將不僅從制度的角度,同時也會通過地方權力持有者(包括地方官、下層士紳和商人)的具體活動,來觀察南潯鎮的權力結構。我的主要論點是,雖然地方的領導層從未放棄其自治權,但是該領導層的組成卻能夠靈活地在不同階段(1800-1842,1843-1864,1865-1890,1891-1911)進行重組,這造就了南潯鎮一整個世紀的社會穩定,除了其間遭受外來的太平天國戰爭的打擊。為了經營市場和經營更大的市鎮,地方領袖們成立了不同的組織且運用了不同的策略。概括而論,商人行會的成立是為了協調商業事務,而寺廟和善堂的維護則是為了建立一種社區共同體的意識并消弭潛在的社會衝突。在整個十九世紀,尤其是其後半段,地方領袖們的行政權和執法權都得到了擴張,其代價是官方權力的縮減,但其同時也確保了辛亥革命期間南潯的和平政權更迭。 ; This paper attempts to understand how a prosperous Jiangnan town, Nanxun, was managed in different periods of the 19th century and how its leadership evolved when the broad political and economic environment changed. The choice of a town as the unit for analysis was made under the intention to bring together the marketplace and the surrounding villages for examining the nature of Chinese urban-rural continuum both economically and socially. Through scrutiny of local primary sources, i.e., local gazetteers, genealogies, newspapers and literary collections, I am going to investigate the power structure of Nanxun town not only from an institutional perspective but also through the activities of local power agents, e.g., local officials, lower gentry and merchants. My thesis is that the local leadership never gave up autonomy over town management but its constitution changed flexibly in four stages (1800-1842, 1843-1864, 1865-1890, 1891-1911), resulting in long-term stability throughout the century except the major interruption by the exogenous Taiping war. For running the marketplace and the broad town, local leaders established different institutions and adopted different strategies. Generally speaking, the merchant guilds were founded for coordinating commercial affairs while the temples and charities were maintained for building a sense of community and easing potential conflicts over the town. Through the second half of the century, especially after several major mid-century structural changes, the ...