Ghadaffi loyalists attack refinery
In: Jane's defence weekly: JDW, S. 12-14
ISSN: 0265-3818
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In: Jane's defence weekly: JDW, S. 12-14
ISSN: 0265-3818
In: Africa research bulletin. Political, social and cultural series, Band 36, Heft 6, S. 13578-13580
ISSN: 0001-9844
In: Sada: Ṣadā : Middle East analysis, S. ), ca. 3 S
World Affairs Online
In: Terrorism and political violence, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 129-131
ISSN: 1556-1836
In: Armed forces, Band 7, Heft 10, S. 465-471
ISSN: 0142-4696
World Affairs Online
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 55, Heft 2, S. 288
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: Military Affairs, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 212
In: Studies in conflict & terrorism, Band 21, Heft 4, S. 331-361
ISSN: 1057-610X
Examines fundraising activities of the two main loyalist paramilitary groups, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Pt. 1, In defense of the realm: financing loyalist terrorism in Northern Ireland; pt. 2, Drink, drugs, and rock 'n' roll: financing loyalist terrorism in Northern Ireland. Role of extortion and blackmail of small and large businesses and on building sites, risk of corruption among senior ranking loyalists, drinking clubs, robberies, drug trafficking, the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) "rat pack", counterfeiting, fuel rackets, and other frauds.
In: Jane's Intelligence review: the magazine of IHS Jane's Military and Security Assessments Intelligence centre, Band 9, Heft 11, S. 489-495
ISSN: 1350-6226
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 1244-1246
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Terrorism and political violence, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 1-31
ISSN: 0954-6553
LOYALIST PARAMILITARIES HAVE BEEN CARRYING OUT VIGILANTE ATTACKS SINCE THE EARLIEST YEARS OF THE TROUBLES. IN FOUR OF THE PAST SIX YEARS, THEY HAVE ACTUALLY CARRIED OUT MORE VIGILANTE ATTACKS THAN REPUBLICAN PARAMILITARIES. YET DESPITE THIS HISTORY, VIRTUALLY NOTHING HAS BEEN WRITTEN ABOUT THIS ASPECT OF PARAMILITARISM IN NORTHERN IRELAND. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES THE ORIGINS AND GROWTH OF LOYALIST VIGILANTISM. THE IMPACT OF PIVOTAL EVENTS SUCH AS THE 1985 ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT AND THE 1994 CEASE-FIRES ARE DISCUSSED. THE VIGILANTISM CLEARLY FULFILS A NUMBER OF IMPORTANT FUNCTIONS FOR THE LOYALISTS BUT IT ALSO CARRIES HEAVY COSTS. THE ARTICLE EXAMINES HOW THE POLITICAL PARTIES ASSOCIATED WITH THE PARAMILITARIES HAVE STRUGGLED TO ACCOMMODATE THE VIGILANTE CAMPAIGNS WHILE ATTEMPTING TO BUILD WIDER POLITICAL APPEAL. THE ARTICLE CONCLUDES THAT DESPITE THE POLITICAL COSTS, CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS IN NORTHERN IRELAND APPEAR TO FAVOR AN INTENSIFICATION RATHER THAN A DIMINUTION OF LOYALIST VIGILANTISM.
In: Capital & class, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 47-75
ISSN: 2041-0980
This article looks at the ways in which conceptions of Loyalist identity have been affected by the current political conjuncture in Northern Ireland. It argues that claims about cultural and political group identity are central to Loyalist political discourses and that the way in which this identity is figured is both variable and limited. Analysing the rhetoric of both the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) the article shows how the reactions of these two parties to the 'peace process' turn, in part, on (re)definitions of group identity shaped out a discourse concerned with authenticity and betrayal. From this basis the article explores the relationship of class identity to the formation of Loyalism and speculates as to the ways in which these parties might develop their imagining of identity as the peace process unfolds. It pays particular attention to the ways in working-class politics might become particularly central to the PUP.
In: Ethnopolitics, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 159-176
This paper analyses the use of violence by Loyalist paramilitaries over the course of the peace process and after the Belfast Agreement. The focus is on a largely understudied area in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. It is argued that Loyalist paramilitaries have continually used violence to serve several objectives. These objectives of violence have shifted in dominance as the peace process unfolded. A typology of the objectives of Loyalist violence is presented which identifies violence as either between or within groups and in search of political, sectarian, economic, social and territorial aims. In conclusion, the article considers some implications of continuing Loyalist paramilitary violence for state and society. (Ethnopolitics)
World Affairs Online
In: The current digest of the post-Soviet press, Band 49, S. 8-11
ISSN: 1067-7542
In: GLQ: a journal of lesbian and gay studies, Band 29, Heft 1, S. 61-76
ISSN: 1527-9375
In the 1930s, Peking Union Medical College oversaw the most advanced neuropsychiatric unit in China. Li, a married twenty-two-year-old college student, sought treatment there in 1937 for his anxiety disorder. In ten months with therapist Bingham Dai (1899–1996), Li worked out his secret desire for homosexual and extramarital relations. Dai, trained in sociology at the University of Chicago, interpreted Li's condition in terms of the psychology of wartime collaboration. Drawing on this case study, this article accomplishes three objectives. First, it reassesses the historical relationship between psychoanalysis and homosexuality in a non-Western context. The particular dynamics of Sino-Japanese relations advances a rethinking of the global history of sexual science. Second, the essay aims to elucidate the multiple currents of psychodynamic thinking in 1930s China. Dai integrated psychoanalysis into a clinical setting and stressed the unlocking of Chinese cultural factors as the key to successful therapeutic outcome. What distinguished Dai was his interest in the epistemological overlaps between the neo-Freudian and Confucian approaches to social relations and interpersonal dynamics. Finally, the article discusses how Dai's treatment of Li raises subversive questions about the fragile position of the therapist himself, with respect to both sexual orientation and nationalist identification.