Suchergebnisse

Politics of the EU frequently use referendums to legitimise fundamental decisions. Naturally, attention is usually focused on those that end in a NO vote. Historically, governments have always had ways to circumvent such decisions by calling another referendum on a slightly reworded question, e.g. the Maastricht Treaty in Denmark or the Treaty of Nice and the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland. The qualitative comparative analysis showed that these pairs of referendums are distinct and comparable to study the result inversion phenomenon. Hence, the research aim was widened: employing the theoretical approaches of rational choice and new institutionalism, to explore the behaviour of actors participating in campaigns of European pairs of referendums within a changing structural environment. Paired referendums pose new challenges to actors of the institutional level (governments, parties and stakeholder groups). It was observed that governments tend to manipulate formal rules of referendums and aim to influence the process of second referendums. Next to the rational choice aided by the new institutionalism, the change in positions of YES and NO camps was registered by reconstructing constantly changing political discourses for each specific moment. This revealed that during second referendums and despite the participation of same actors, the voting is no longer on the same issue but on a differently presented and perceived treaty, i.e. the structural environment is essentially changed.

Politics of the EU frequently use referendums to legitimise fundamental decisions. Naturally, attention is usually focused on those that end in a NO vote. Historically, governments have always had ways to circumvent such decisions by calling another referendum on a slightly reworded question, e.g. the Maastricht Treaty in Denmark or the Treaty of Nice and the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland. The qualitative comparative analysis showed that these pairs of referendums are distinct and comparable to study the result inversion phenomenon. Hence, the research aim was widened: employing the theoretical approaches of rational choice and new institutionalism, to explore the behaviour of actors participating in campaigns of European pairs of referendums within a changing structural environment. Paired referendums pose new challenges to actors of the institutional level (governments, parties and stakeholder groups). It was observed that governments tend to manipulate formal rules of referendums and aim to influence the process of second referendums. Next to the rational choice aided by the new institutionalism, the change in positions of YES and NO camps was registered by reconstructing constantly changing political discourses for each specific moment. This revealed that during second referendums and despite the participation of same actors, the voting is no longer on the same issue but on a differently presented and perceived treaty, i.e. the structural environment is essentially changed.

Politics of the EU frequently use referendums to legitimise fundamental decisions. Naturally, attention is usually focused on those that end in a NO vote. Historically, governments have always had ways to circumvent such decisions by calling another referendum on a slightly reworded question, e.g. the Maastricht Treaty in Denmark or the Treaty of Nice and the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland. The qualitative comparative analysis showed that these pairs of referendums are distinct and comparable to study the result inversion phenomenon. Hence, the research aim was widened: employing the theoretical approaches of rational choice and new institutionalism, to explore the behaviour of actors participating in campaigns of European pairs of referendums within a changing structural environment. Paired referendums pose new challenges to actors of the institutional level (governments, parties and stakeholder groups). It was observed that governments tend to manipulate formal rules of referendums and aim to influence the process of second referendums. Next to the rational choice aided by the new institutionalism, the change in positions of YES and NO camps was registered by reconstructing constantly changing political discourses for each specific moment. This revealed that during second referendums and despite the participation of same actors, the voting is no longer on the same issue but on a differently presented and perceived treaty, i.e. the structural environment is essentially changed.

Politics of the EU frequently use referendums to legitimise fundamental decisions. Naturally, attention is usually focused on those that end in a NO vote. Historically, governments have always had ways to circumvent such decisions by calling another referendum on a slightly reworded question, e.g. the Maastricht Treaty in Denmark or the Treaty of Nice and the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland. The qualitative comparative analysis showed that these pairs of referendums are distinct and comparable to study the result inversion phenomenon. Hence, the research aim was widened: employing the theoretical approaches of rational choice and new institutionalism, to explore the behaviour of actors participating in campaigns of European pairs of referendums within a changing structural environment. Paired referendums pose new challenges to actors of the institutional level (governments, parties and stakeholder groups). It was observed that governments tend to manipulate formal rules of referendums and aim to influence the process of second referendums. Next to the rational choice aided by the new institutionalism, the change in positions of YES and NO camps was registered by reconstructing constantly changing political discourses for each specific moment. This revealed that during second referendums and despite the participation of same actors, the voting is no longer on the same issue but on a differently presented and perceived treaty, i.e. the structural environment is essentially changed.

Politics of the EU frequently use referendums to legitimise fundamental decisions. Naturally, attention is usually focused on those that end in a NO vote. Historically, governments have always had ways to circumvent such decisions by calling another referendum on a slightly reworded question, e.g. the Maastricht Treaty in Denmark or the Treaty of Nice and the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland. The qualitative comparative analysis showed that these pairs of referendums are distinct and comparable to study the result inversion phenomenon. Hence, the research aim was widened: employing the theoretical approaches of rational choice and new institutionalism, to explore the behaviour of actors participating in campaigns of European pairs of referendums within a changing structural environment. Paired referendums pose new challenges to actors of the institutional level (governments, parties and stakeholder groups). It was observed that governments tend to manipulate formal rules of referendums and aim to influence the process of second referendums. Next to the rational choice aided by the new institutionalism, the change in positions of YES and NO camps was registered by reconstructing constantly changing political discourses for each specific moment. This revealed that during second referendums and despite the participation of same actors, the voting is no longer on the same issue but on a differently presented and perceived treaty, i.e. the structural environment is essentially changed.

Politics of the EU frequently use referendums to legitimise fundamental decisions. Naturally, attention is usually focused on those that end in a NO vote. Historically, governments have always had ways to circumvent such decisions by calling another referendum on a slightly reworded question, e.g. the Maastricht Treaty in Denmark or the Treaty of Nice and the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland. The qualitative comparative analysis showed that these pairs of referendums are distinct and comparable to study the result inversion phenomenon. Hence, the research aim was widened: employing the theoretical approaches of rational choice and new institutionalism, to explore the behaviour of actors participating in campaigns of European pairs of referendums within a changing structural environment. Paired referendums pose new challenges to actors of the institutional level (governments, parties and stakeholder groups). It was observed that governments tend to manipulate formal rules of referendums and aim to influence the process of second referendums. Next to the rational choice aided by the new institutionalism, the change in positions of YES and NO camps was registered by reconstructing constantly changing political discourses for each specific moment. This revealed that during second referendums and despite the participation of same actors, the voting is no longer on the same issue but on a differently presented and perceived treaty, i.e. the structural environment is essentially changed.

Almost all member states of the new European Union declared their wish to introduce the euro in the near future. The decision of the European Union institutions concerning Lithuania revealed the peculiarities and problems of the euro area enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries, which are not easy to explain on a purely economic basis while all of them share the same market, and the economic growth restrictions imposed on them are quite disadvantageous. The article discusses a hypothesis that decision on the expansion of the euro zone is determined not only by fulfilment of the Maastricht criteria, but also by a complex of macroeconomic, institutional and political reasons. This article aims to discuss the problem related to the monetary integration in the Central and Eastern Europe. Of no less importance is the progress in implementing measures provided in the governments' programmes, convergence programmes and national plans of the euro adoption of the countries. Conclusions and proposals are presented on how the Central and Eastern European states must strengthen the monitoring of the monetary integration under different standpoints and interests of the players in the decision-making process regarding the euro area membership.

Almost all member states of the new European Union declared their wish to introduce the euro in the near future. The decision of the European Union institutions concerning Lithuania revealed the peculiarities and problems of the euro area enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries, which are not easy to explain on a purely economic basis while all of them share the same market, and the economic growth restrictions imposed on them are quite disadvantageous. The article discusses a hypothesis that decision on the expansion of the euro zone is determined not only by fulfilment of the Maastricht criteria, but also by a complex of macroeconomic, institutional and political reasons. This article aims to discuss the problem related to the monetary integration in the Central and Eastern Europe. Of no less importance is the progress in implementing measures provided in the governments' programmes, convergence programmes and national plans of the euro adoption of the countries. Conclusions and proposals are presented on how the Central and Eastern European states must strengthen the monitoring of the monetary integration under different standpoints and interests of the players in the decision-making process regarding the euro area membership.

Almost all member states of the new European Union declared their wish to introduce the euro in the near future. The decision of the European Union institutions concerning Lithuania revealed the peculiarities and problems of the euro area enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries, which are not easy to explain on a purely economic basis while all of them share the same market, and the economic growth restrictions imposed on them are quite disadvantageous. The article discusses a hypothesis that decision on the expansion of the euro zone is determined not only by fulfilment of the Maastricht criteria, but also by a complex of macroeconomic, institutional and political reasons. This article aims to discuss the problem related to the monetary integration in the Central and Eastern Europe. Of no less importance is the progress in implementing measures provided in the governments' programmes, convergence programmes and national plans of the euro adoption of the countries. Conclusions and proposals are presented on how the Central and Eastern European states must strengthen the monitoring of the monetary integration under different standpoints and interests of the players in the decision-making process regarding the euro area membership.

Almost all member states of the new European Union declared their wish to introduce the euro in the near future. The decision of the European Union institutions concerning Lithuania revealed the peculiarities and problems of the euro area enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries, which are not easy to explain on a purely economic basis while all of them share the same market, and the economic growth restrictions imposed on them are quite disadvantageous. The article discusses a hypothesis that decision on the expansion of the euro zone is determined not only by fulfilment of the Maastricht criteria, but also by a complex of macroeconomic, institutional and political reasons. This article aims to discuss the problem related to the monetary integration in the Central and Eastern Europe. Of no less importance is the progress in implementing measures provided in the governments' programmes, convergence programmes and national plans of the euro adoption of the countries. Conclusions and proposals are presented on how the Central and Eastern European states must strengthen the monitoring of the monetary integration under different standpoints and interests of the players in the decision-making process regarding the euro area membership.

Unsuccessful attempts to join the euro zone enables the authors to state that Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is an insufficiently researched topic. Identification of the problems and prospects of Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is especially important, because only when the problems are rectified, will it be possible to join the European Monetary Union successfully. It will also be possible to assess the potential risks and benefits of changing the national currency to the euro. Therefore, Lithuanian macroeconomic indicators are analyzed and compared with the convergence criteria. In addition, Estonia's and Slovenia's experience is investigated, because these countries have joined the euro area despite having a difficult macro-economic environment. It should be noted that the establishment of a single currency completed the integration of European countries and preconditioned the belief that joining the European Monetary Union will maintain price stability and a sustainable economic growth. Performed analysis of macro-economic indicators allows the authors to state that the major risk factor for Lithuania's integration process into the European Monetary Union has been and remains a too high rate of inflation. The main factors influencing the high inflation are a large amount of money in circulation, low inflation control, budget imbalances and a lack of execution about strict fiscal policy. In 2013, it is predicted that Lithuania will have a 2.5 percent inflation rate and the convergence criteria is expected to be equal to 2.6 percent, so the risk that inflation may be uncontrolled remains. In order to finally integrate into the monetary union, the Lithuanian government should pursue strict fiscal policy as well as structural reforms to ensure stability for prices and finance in the government sector. Establishment of the euro would promote foreign investment in the country, [.]

Unsuccessful attempts to join the euro zone enables the authors to state that Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is an insufficiently researched topic. Identification of the problems and prospects of Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is especially important, because only when the problems are rectified, will it be possible to join the European Monetary Union successfully. It will also be possible to assess the potential risks and benefits of changing the national currency to the euro. Therefore, Lithuanian macroeconomic indicators are analyzed and compared with the convergence criteria. In addition, Estonia's and Slovenia's experience is investigated, because these countries have joined the euro area despite having a difficult macro-economic environment. It should be noted that the establishment of a single currency completed the integration of European countries and preconditioned the belief that joining the European Monetary Union will maintain price stability and a sustainable economic growth. Performed analysis of macro-economic indicators allows the authors to state that the major risk factor for Lithuania's integration process into the European Monetary Union has been and remains a too high rate of inflation. The main factors influencing the high inflation are a large amount of money in circulation, low inflation control, budget imbalances and a lack of execution about strict fiscal policy. In 2013, it is predicted that Lithuania will have a 2.5 percent inflation rate and the convergence criteria is expected to be equal to 2.6 percent, so the risk that inflation may be uncontrolled remains. In order to finally integrate into the monetary union, the Lithuanian government should pursue strict fiscal policy as well as structural reforms to ensure stability for prices and finance in the government sector. Establishment of the euro would promote foreign investment in the country, [.]

In recent years, Lithuania has been perfectly satisfying the convergence criteria for the national debt and the budget deficit, i.e. has not exceeded the settled 60 percent and 3 percent respectively of the reference values of the Maastricht Agreement. On the other hand, recently it has been more and more frequently noticed in the economist forums that the aspects of the country's borrowing are sufficiently problematic and an increase in the fiscal deficit seems inevitable at an early date, thus actually it will not be easy to shape fiscal policy. Taking into consideration the defined problematic arguments in terms of the state financial stability, it is relevant to analyse the tendencies of meeting the above mentioned criteria and the essential factors influencing them, to evaluate involvement with other macroeconomical indices which would help to disclose problematic aspects, possible ways of problem solution and to avoid the risk of not repeatedly becoming a full member of EVS in future. In order to investigate stability of Lithuanian economic convergence in the context of the fiscal provisions of the Maastricht Agreement, the article presents a conception of convergence and outlines possible ways of its cognizance and evaluation in terms of macroeconomical theory and the Maastricht Agreement. The analysis of the debt of the government sector and the budget deficit as well as of the tendencies of variation in percent indices compared to the GDP revealed the characteristics of the situation and the spread of the latter, cohesion was evaluated by applying regression analysis. [.].

In recent years, Lithuania has been perfectly satisfying the convergence criteria for the national debt and the budget deficit, i.e. has not exceeded the settled 60 percent and 3 percent respectively of the reference values of the Maastricht Agreement. On the other hand, recently it has been more and more frequently noticed in the economist forums that the aspects of the country's borrowing are sufficiently problematic and an increase in the fiscal deficit seems inevitable at an early date, thus actually it will not be easy to shape fiscal policy. Taking into consideration the defined problematic arguments in terms of the state financial stability, it is relevant to analyse the tendencies of meeting the above mentioned criteria and the essential factors influencing them, to evaluate involvement with other macroeconomical indices which would help to disclose problematic aspects, possible ways of problem solution and to avoid the risk of not repeatedly becoming a full member of EVS in future. In order to investigate stability of Lithuanian economic convergence in the context of the fiscal provisions of the Maastricht Agreement, the article presents a conception of convergence and outlines possible ways of its cognizance and evaluation in terms of macroeconomical theory and the Maastricht Agreement. The analysis of the debt of the government sector and the budget deficit as well as of the tendencies of variation in percent indices compared to the GDP revealed the characteristics of the situation and the spread of the latter, cohesion was evaluated by applying regression analysis. [.].

Analyzing the contracts for the European Union Constitution we can observe there is not enough attention put on the religion and its essentiality. As far as Maastricht pact is concerned, there are no references to the religion; however, during the considerations of this contract there was a question risen about how important religion is for the European Union. Consequently, it was decided to follow European Human Rights convention. Under the agreement of Amsterdam, the religion discrimination was forbidden; however, it's not a significant achievement since Europe had substantial Christian roots. The Nice charter didn't issue resolutions favorable for the Church yet, it was decided that a person could be exempted from soldering due to his belief. Although, it was not a huge gain, faithful people got more rights.