Suchergebnisse

Nel mondo globalizzato e in un'Europa interconnessa dove formalmente non vi sono confini per merci, capitali, servizi, lavoratori, famiglie e studenti la spinta verso l'integrazione appare nei fatti sempre più lontana. Mentre nell'Ue si assiste ad un malessere dilagante riprende vigore il fascino delle identità tanto che, negli ultimi anni, si sono moltiplicate le rivendicazioni identitarie a livello nazionale e subnazionale. Forze centrifughe e centripete erano già presenti nel Trattato di Maastricht del 1992 e con l'allargamento dell'Ue si è creata una forbice sempre più ampia e una disomogeneità sul piano politico, socio economico e costituzionale. Ma quale evoluzione ha avuto lo Stato e quale ruolo hanno assunto gli elementi che hanno spostato la dimensione relativa alla sovranità verso il decentramento e in che modo le categorie relative all'Identità/Ideologia e alla Coesione/Divisione si stanno manifestando? L'evoluzione dello Stato si fonda su caratteri culturali, ideologici ed economici in base ai quali si esplica l'esercizio del potere. Una prima forma di modello statale in Europa si esprime nel Seicento. Tale modello fu esportato in tutto il mondo. Nell'evoluzione dello Stato la divisione politica ha risposto a fenomeni (colonizzazione, conflitti, industrializzazione) che portano ad una perdita dello spazio come categoria concettuale. Tutto ciò ha modificato sia le forme statali che i confini, giungendo ad una sorta di flessibilità, anche riguardo le forme di potere (Casari, Corna Pellegrini, Eva, 2004). Lo Stato con i suoi elementi costitutivi: popolazione, territorio e sovranità, strettamente connessi tra di loro, è caratterizzato da sistemi di governo diversi (teocratico, totalitario e democratico), a cui corrispondono particolari modi di organizzare la vita sociale, sulla base delle influenze storiche che si sono espresse nel corso dei secoli (Ferro, 1993; Lizza, 2001). In epoca moderna l'economia, la cultura e la politica hanno determinato la forza e la potenza di uno Stato (Pounds, 1980; Lizza, 2009). Le scelte istituzionali mirano a raggiungere la stabilità, la prosperità e difendere la sicurezza e l'integrità di uno Stato. Altrettanto importante in tale contesto è la Nazione o lo Stato nazione lì dove risultano essenziali elementi che sottolineano l'omogeneità, la condivisione di fattori identitari e di coesione sociale forti come la lingua, la religione (Hobsbawn, 1991). Ma i processi di internazionalizzazione e globalizzazione hanno fatto perdere incisività al potere politico e hanno eroso la sovranità e il centralismo, a causa della presenza di forze sovranazionali. Altrettanto è avvenuto riguardo il territorio, con i fenomeni di decentramento e deterritorializzazione, mentre la popolazione sia riguardo le dinamiche demografiche che rispetto alla rilevanza del fenomeno migratorio e agli spostamenti massicci dei gruppi umani vive fasi di instabilità che si riflettono negli Stati (Grumo, 2014). Dunque la coesione e la divisione si manifestano attraverso confini labili che i sistemi democratici, attraverso la partecipazione e la rappresentanza politica, devono costantemente regolare come forma di garanzia, pace e prosperità. Lo Stato moderno si fonda su una struttura caratterizzata da una varietà di forme istituzionali, giuridiche e di governo che tendono al centralismo, ma in parallelo già dai primi del Novecento insieme alla dimensione dello Stato come entità politica perfetta nascono concetti quali federazione, autonomia, flessibilità (Harvey, 1997; Pounds, 1980, Lacoste, 2008). Al centralismo e federalismo si aggiunge l'importanza assegnata all'unità territoriale della regione come sistema territoriale complesso sia sotto il profilo economico che sociale e politico, il cui esempio scaturisce dalle politiche territoriali dell'Unione * Il contributo è il risultato di periodi di ricerca svolti in Catalogna (nel 2011, 2015 e 2017) presso la Facoltà di Geografia e Storia (Proff. Joan Tort i Donada, Horacio Capel- Dipartimento di Geografia umana); l'Università Autonoma di Barcellona (Prof. Francesc Munoz); lo IET (Institut d'Estudis Territorials) (Università Pompeu Fabra); la Diputaciò di Barcellona (Dott. Maria Herrero Canela, Direcciò d'Estudis i Prospectiva); la Generalitat di Barcellona; l'Idescat (Istitut d'Estadistica de Catalunya; Centre de Cultura Contemporania de Barcelona). – 736 – europea e dal fenomeno del nuovo regionalismo. Tale fenomeno ha origine dalla crisi dello Stato-nazione ed è generato da fattori istituzionali ed economici (Vallega, 1994; 2004). Si affermano così i poteri sovranazionali che orientano i piani di sviluppo e la coesione della regione contribuendo alla formazione di nuove forme di governance multilivello, ponendo attenzione alla valorizzazione, al capitale sociale, alla cultura locale e alle economie regionali in ambito internazionale. Di fatto questa maggiore autonomia e attenzione alle regioni, si è tradotta nell'euro regionalismo, un modello tecnocratico dove la legittimazione politica, il decentramento delle risorse finanziarie e normative non ha sortito gli effetti sperati, anche a causa della presenza di un disequilibrio socio-spaziale delle Regioni (Conti, Giaccaria, Rossi, Salone, 2014). Con la globalizzazione alla presenza di nuove entità intermedie (macroregioni, regioni, città metropolitane e abolizione delle province) e al conseguente rilievo dato ai sistemi locali si contrappone una visione nuovamente centralista (si ergono muri e barriere, le politiche riportano al centro le esigenze dei singoli paesi) che non sembra seguire una linea coerente rispetto all'indirizzo, rispondendo ad esigenze di chiusura (Società Geografica Italiana, 2013). Si tratta dunque di una visione e di una realtà differenziate che si sta manifestando con uno scenario frammentato e di difficile comprensione da leggere e interpretare nella sua evoluzione continua (Faraguna, 2015). In tale contesto, il caso di studio della Catalogna in Spagna focalizza l'analisi su una Comunità autonoma che, attraverso diverse tappe, sta portando avanti una sfida per lo Statuto di autonomia e il riconoscimento di una distinta nazione all'interno della Spagna e dell'Unione Europea. A questo proposito si cercherà di valutare quali siano i fattori culturali, sociali, politici ed economici che giustificano un distacco osservando la situazione sotto alcuni profili: la popolazione, il governo centrale, la spinta secessionista, l'autodeterminazione del popolo catalano e l'ottica dell'Unione europea.

PubMed ID: 24186907 ; Background. Interleukin 12Rß1 (IL-12Rß1)-deficient patients are prone to clinical disease caused by mycobacteria, Salmonella, and other intramacrophagic pathogens, probably because of impaired interleukin 12-dependent interferon production. About 25% of patients also display mucocutaneous candidiasis, probably owing to impaired interleukin 23-dependent interleukin 17 immunity. The clinical features and outcome of candidiasis in these patients have not been described before, to our knowledge. We report here the clinical signs of candidiasis in 35 patients with IL-12Rß1 deficiency.Results. Most (n = 71) of the 76 episodes of candidiasis were mucocutaneous. Isolated oropharyngeal candidiasis (OPC) was the most common presentation (59 episodes, 34 patients) and was recurrent or persistent in 26 patients. Esophageal candidiasis (n = 7) was associated with proven OPC in 2 episodes, and cutaneous candidiasis (n = 2) with OPC in 1 patient, whereas isolated vulvovaginal candidiasis (VVC; n = 3) was not. Five episodes of proven invasive candidiasis were documented in 4 patients; 1 of these episodes was community acquired in the absence of any other comorbid condition. The first episode of candidiasis occurred earlier in life (median age±standard deviation, 1.5 ± 7.87 years) than infections with environmental mycobacteria (4.29 ± 11.9 years), Mycobacterium tuberculosis (4 ± 3.12 years), or Salmonella species (4.58 ± 4.17 years) or other rare infections (3 ± 11.67 years). Candidiasis was the first documented infection in 19 of the 35 patients, despite the vaccination of 10 of these 19 patients with live bacille Calmette-Guérin.Conclusions. Patients who are deficient in IL-12Rß1 may have candidiasis, usually mucocutaneous, which is frequently recurrent or persistent. Candidiasis may be the first clinical manifestation in these patients. © The Author 2013. ; University of Chicago Tehran University of Medical Sciences and Health Services Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale Rockefeller University Ege Üniversitesi University College London Istanbul Üniversitesi City, University of London, City Comer Children's Hospital, University of Chicago Medicine St. Giles Foundation Université Paris Descartes Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad: PI10/01718, PI06/ 1031 National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences: 8UL1TR000043 Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale Fundación Canaria de Investigación y Salud, FUNCIS Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, MICYT: 182817, 69992 European Social Fund, ESF Agence Nationale de la Recherche: GENCMCD 11-BSV3-005-01 Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria Rockefeller University ANR-10-LABX-62-IBEID National Center for Research Resources European Research Council European Regional Development Fund INREDCAN 05/06 ; 1Pediatric Hematology-Immunology Unit, National Bone Marrow Transplantation Center, Tunis, 2Faculty of Medicine, University of Tunis El Manar, 3Laboratory of Cytoimmunology, Pasteur Institut of Tunis, and 4Department of Cardiology, Ariana Hospital, Tunis, Tunisia; 5Department of Pediatric Immunology and Allergy, Ankara University School of Medicine, 6Immunology Division, Hacettepe University Children's Hospital, 7Department of Pediatric Infectious Diseases, Dr Sami Ulus Maternity and Children's Health and Diseases Training and Research Center, and 8Department of Pediatric Immunology, Dr Sami Ulus Children's Health and Diseases Training and Research Center, Ankara, 9Department of Pediatric Infectious Diseases and Clinical Immunology, Istanbul University and Istanbul Medical Faculty, 10Department of Pediatric Immunology, Ege University Faculty of Medicine, Izmir, and 11Department of Pediatric Immunology, Necmettin Erbakan University Meram Medical Faculty, Konya, Turkey; 12Department of Immunology, Gran Canaria Dr Negrín University Hospital, 13Department of Pediatrics and 14Department of Internal Medicine, Complejo Hospitalario Universitario Insular Materno Infantil, and 15Department of Medical and Surgical Sciences, School of Medicine, University of Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spain; 16Unit of Biochemistry and 17Laboratory of Microbiology, National Institute of Medical Sciences and Nutrition Salvador Zubirán (INCMNSZ), and 18Department of Pediatric Pulmonology, Laboratory of Pulmonary Physiology, Hospital Infantil de México Federico Gómez, Mexico City; 19Department of Internal Medicine, University Hospital, Maastricht, Netherlands; 20Department of Clinical Biochemistry and Immunology, Addenbrookes Hospital, Cambridge, and 21Department of Medicine, University College London, United Kingdom; 22Pediatric Department, Soroka Medical Center, Faculty of Health Sciences, Ben Gurion University, Beer Sheva, Israel; 23Department of Pediatric Infectious Diseases, Comer Children's Hospital, University of Chicago Medicine, and 24Department of Pediatrics, University of Chicago Medical Center, Illinois; 25St Giles Laboratory of Human Genetics of Infectious Diseases, Rockefeller Branch, Rockefeller University, New York, New York; 26Department of Pediatrics, UFRJ–Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; 27Group of Primary Immunodeficiencies, University of Antioquia, Medellin, Colombia; 28Department of Pediatrics, Pediatric Infectious Diseases Research Center, Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Iran; 29Department of Pediatrics, Hospital Puerto Montt, Chile; 30Department of ?linical Immunology, Center for Pediatric Hematology, Oncology, Immunology, Moscow, Russia; 31Laboratory of Human Genetics of Infectious Diseases, Necker Branch, Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale, 32University Paris Descartes, Imagine Institute, 33Study Center for Primary Immunodeficiencies, Necker Hospital, AP-HP, and 34Pediatric Hematology-Immunology Unit, Necker-Enfants Malades Hospital, AP-HP, Paris, France -- Financial support. This work was supported by Fondo de Investiga-ciones Sanitarias, Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (grants PI06/ 1031 and PI10/01718), the European Regional Development Fund–European Social Fund (FEDER-FSE), Fundación Canaria de Investigación y Salud (Canarian government; INREDCAN 05/06), Foundation Caja Rural de Cana-rias-Chil y Naranjo (research prize 2004), Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (fellowship to E. H. R), INSERM, University Paris Descartes, Rockefeller University, National Center for Research Resources and the National Center for Advancing Sciences of the National Institutes of Health (grant 8UL1TR000043), Laboratoire d'Excellence "Integrative Biology of Emerging Infectious Diseases" (grant ANR-10-LABX-62-IBEID), the European Research Council, Agence Nationale de la Recherche (grant GENCMCD 11-BSV3-005-01), the St Giles Foundation, the Candidoser Association, and Consejo Nacio-nal de Ciencia y Tecnología de Mexico (grants 69992 and 182817). Potential conflicts of interest. All authors: No reported conflicts. --

Inhaltsangabe: Einleitung: Eine moderate euroweite Inflationsrate in Höhe von etwa zwei Prozentpunkten seit Beginn der Europäischen Währungsunion (EWU) im Jahre 1999 bedeutet nicht, dass auch in jedem Mitgliedsland die Preise auf diesem Niveau wachsen. In den ersten Jahren waren die Inflationsdifferentiale innerhalb des Euroraums so groß, dass bspw. Irland das Maastrichter Kriterium für den Beitritt zur EWU, wonach die nationalen Inflationsraten um nicht mehr als 1,5 Prozentpunkte vom Durchschnitt der drei preisstabilsten Länder abweichen dürfen, regelmäßig verfehlt hätte. Inflationsdifferenzen innerhalb von Währungsräumen sind nicht ungewöhnlich, wie der amerikanische oder deutsche Währungsraum zeigt. Allerdings weist die EWU im Vergleich zu anderen Währungsräumen einige Besonderheiten auf, welche im Zusammenhang mit Inflationsdifferentialen eine Rolle spielen. Erstens ist die Migration der Arbeitskräfte in der EWU geringer als bspw. in den USA, und es existiert kein starker Zentralhaushalt. Zudem ist die Flexibilität der nationalen Fiskalpolitik in den Teilnahmeländern infolge des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts beschränkt, so dass makroökonomische Schocks verstärkt über eine Anpassung der Güterpreise absorbiert werden müssen. Die Folge sind größere und länger anhaltende Inflationsdifferentiale als in anderen Währungsräumen. Zweitens wird in der Öffentlichkeit inklusive der Wirtschaftspolitik nicht die aggregierte Inflationsrate der EWU, sondern schwerpunktmäßig die nationale Inflationsrate zur Kenntnis genommen. Die Länder mit vergleichsweise geringer (hoher) Inflation sind infolgedessen an einer expansiven (kontraktiven) Geldpolitik interessiert, was im Falle von hohen nationalen Inflationsunterschieden zu einem heterogenen Meinungsbild im Rat der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) führen dürfte, da dieser unter anderem aus den Präsidenten der nationalen Zentralbanken besteht. Dies erschwert eine klare Kursausrichtung der EZB-Geldpolitik inklusive deren Darstellung in der Öffentlichkeit. Da in der EWU die Teilnahmeländer mit einer einheitlichen Geldpolitik konfrontiert sind, welche das Ziel einer Stabilisierung der euroweiten Inflationsrate verfolgt, folgt drittens bei hohen Inflationsunterschieden eine Erhöhung des derzeitigen Zielwerts für die aggregierte Inflationsrate in Höhe von knapp zwei Prozentpunkten, wenn das Auftreten einer Deflation in einigen Regionen oder Ländern vermieden werden soll. Viertens ist die EWU ein heterogener Währungsraum, in dem sich die Teilnahmeländer bzgl. der Sprache, der Fiskalpolitik, dem Steuer- und Transfersystem sowie bzgl. der Institutionen der Lohnbildung unterscheiden. Somit besteht die Gefahr, dass sich Inflationsdifferentiale, welche aus transitorischen Schocks resultieren, über Persistenzmechanismen dauerhaft verfestigen und substanzielle Fehlallokationen hervorrufen. Steigt z.B. die nationale Inflationsrate infolge eine Nachfrageschocks an, so bleibt das hervorgerufene Inflationsdifferential gegenüber den anderen Ländern bestehen, wenn die Höhe der nationalen Inflationsraten das zukünftige Wachstum der nationalen Löhne determiniert (Lohn-Preis-Spirale). Dieser Persistenzmechanismus kann durch einen Rückgang des länderspezifischen Realzinses verstärkt werden, da ein prozyklisch wirkender Anreiz für Konsumenten und Investoren besteht. Ein positives Inflationsdifferential impliziert jedoch auch eine reale Aufwertung und damit eine Verschlechterung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit auf den internationalen Gütermärkten, so dass mit dem realen (effektiven) Wechselkurs ein Mechanismus existiert, der den originären Inflationsunterschieden zwischen den Teilnahmeländern entgegenwirkt. Gang der Untersuchung: In der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit werden die potentiellen Ursachen für die Inflationsdifferentiale in der EWU vorgestellt sowie deren empirische Bedeutung analysiert. Zum einen werden das spezielle Konstruktionsverfahren der nationalen HVPI (Kapitel 2.1) sowie institutionelle Gründe in Form von staatlicher Preisadministrierung (Kapitel 2.2) als mögliche Ursachen für die Inflationsdifferenzen identifiziert. Zum anderen kommen Konvergenzprozesse in Form von Nivellierungen von Preisdifferenzen auf den internationalen Gütermärkten (Kapitel 2.3) bzw. aufholendem Wachstum in Niedrigeinkommensländern der EWU (Kapitel 2.4) als denkbare Erklärungsansätze in Frage. Außerdem wird die Bedeutung von strukturellen Unterschieden zwischen den Teilnahmeländern ausführlich untersucht, da diese in Verbindung mit makroökonomischen Schocks (Kapitel 2.5) Inflationsdifferentiale verursachen können. Dabei wird auch die Rolle der Geldpolitik näher beleuchtet. Zunächst erfolgt jedoch eine Einführung in die Messung von Inflation und Inflationsdifferenzen (Kapitel 1.1). Anschließend wird das Ausmaß und die Entwicklung der Inflationsdifferentiale in der EWU dargestellt (Kapitel 1.2) und mit der Entwicklung in anderen Währungsräumen verglichen (Kapitel 1.3). Inhaltsverzeichnis: AbkürzungsverzeichnisIII SymbolverzeichnisIV AbbildungsverzeichnisXI TabellenverzeichnisXIII Einleitung1 1.Empirie3 1.1Statistische Inflations- und Streuungsmaße3 1.2Entwicklung der Inflationsdifferentiale in der Europäischen Währungsunion6 1.3Inflationsdifferentiale im internationalen Vergleich8 2.Potentielle Ursachen für Inflationsdifferentiale in der Europäischen Währungsunion12 2.1Kompositionseffekt der Inflationsmessung12 2.2Staatliche Preisadministrierung15 2.3Preiskonvergenz und Preisdispersion in der Europäischen Währungsunion17 2.3.1Preiskonvergenz in der Europäischen Währungsunion17 2.3.2Preisdispersion in der Europäischen Währungsunion22 2.4Balassa-Samuelson-Hypothese28 2.4.1Inflationsdifferentiale im Zwei-Sektoren-Modell28 2.4.2Kointegrationsanalysen33 2.4.3Empirische Befunde im Vergleich39 2.5Strukturunterschiede und makroökonomische Schocks42 2.5.1Neu-keynesianisches Makromodell42 2.5.2Inflationsdifferenzen im Neu-keynesianischen Makromodell46 2.5.3Empirische Schätzung51 2.5.4Sensitivitätsanalyse56 2.5.5Alternative Geldpolitik62 2.5.6Alternative Wechselkursmodelle66 Fazit68 Anhang70 Literaturverzeichnis101 Ehrenwörtliche Erklärung105Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: AbkürzungsverzeichnisIII SymbolverzeichnisIV AbbildungsverzeichnisXI TabellenverzeichnisXIII Einleitung1 1.Empirie3 1.1Statistische Inflations- und Streuungsmaße3 1.2Entwicklung der Inflationsdifferentiale in der Europäischen Währungsunion6 1.3Inflationsdifferentiale im internationalen Vergleich8 2.Potentielle Ursachen für Inflationsdifferentiale in der Europäischen Währungsunion12 2.1Kompositionseffekt der Inflationsmessung12 2.2Staatliche Preisadministrierung15 2.3Preiskonvergenz und Preisdispersion in der Europäischen Währungsunion17 2.3.1Preiskonvergenz in der Europäischen Währungsunion17 2.3.2Preisdispersion in der Europäischen Währungsunion22 2.4Balassa-Samuelson-Hypothese28 2.4.1Inflationsdifferentiale im Zwei-Sektoren-Modell28 2.4.2Kointegrationsanalysen33 2.4.3Empirische Befunde im Vergleich39 2.5Strukturunterschiede und makroökonomische Schocks42 2.5.1Neu-keynesianisches Makromodell42 2.5.2Inflationsdifferenzen im Neu-keynesianischen Makromodell46 2.5.3Empirische Schätzung51 2.5.4Sensitivitätsanalyse56 2.5.5Alternative Geldpolitik62 2.5.6Alternative Wechselkursmodelle66 Fazit68 Anhang70 Literaturverzeichnis101 Ehrenwörtliche Erklärung105Textprobe:Textprobe: Kapitel 2.2, Staatliche Preisadministrierung: Die Regierungen der Mitgliedsstaaten der EWU können die Preise der Waren und Dienstleistungen durch verschiedene Kanäle beeinflussen. Zum einen ist eine direkte Beeinflussung durch staatlich administrierte Preise möglich. Außerdem ist eine indirekte Beeinflussung der Preise durch staatliche Produkt- oder Marktregulierungen, indirekte Steuern oder Subventionen denkbar. Da die staatlichen Maßnahmen in den Ländern der EWU zu verschiedenen Zeitpunkten stattfinden und die Preise der Waren und Dienstleistungen sowohl erhöht als auch verringert werden können, ist der Einfluss dieser Maßnahmen auf die nationalen HVPI in aller Regel größer, als auf den aggregierten VPI-EWU. In diesem Kapitel wird daher untersucht, inwieweit direkte staatliche Preisadministrierung in den Teilnahmeländern zu Inflationsunterschieden im Europäischen Währungsraum beitrugen. Dazu werden zunächst die staatlich administrierten Preise in den europäischen Ländern identifiziert und anschließend deren Einfluss auf die Inflationsdifferentiale in der EWU quantifiziert, wobei indirekte Einflüsse wie z.B. Zweitrundeneffekte aufgrund einer Änderung der staatlich festgesetzten Preise nicht berücksichtigt werden. Es erweist sich als äußerst schwierig, die administrierten Preise in den Ländern der EWU zu bestimmen. So sind z.B. einige staatliche Preise einkommensabhängig oder werden auf regionaler Ebene implementiert. Außerdem existieren zahlreiche Grenzfälle, bei denen Preisschwankungen sowohl durch staatliche Preissetzung als auch durch Änderungen der Marktdaten verursacht werden können. Zu nennen sind an dieser Stelle z.B. die Telefontarife, welche durch staatliche Aufsichtsbehörden kontrolliert werden können, oder auch die Preise einiger Grundnahrungsmittel, welche durch die Agrarpolitik der Europäischen Union (EU) beeinflusst werden können. Für unsere Zwecke erfolgt deshalb eine Identifizierung der Warengruppen und Dienstleistungen des VPI-EWU auf kleinstmöglichstem Aggregationsniveau, die grundsätzlich durch die Regierungen der Länder der EWU direkt beeinflusst werden. Dazu gehören die Müllabfuhr, die Abwasserentsorgung, die Versorgung durch Ärzte, Zahnärzte und Krankenhäuser, die Leistungen der Bahn und der Post sowie Bildungs- und Sozialleistungen. Diese staatlich administrierten Leistungen entsprechen in etwa 6% aller Waren und Dienstleistungen, welche im VPI-EWU zusammengefasst werden. In den nationalen HVPI der einzelnen Ländern variiert das Gewicht zwischen 3% und 8%. Es ist zu beachten, dass nicht alle Leistungen dieses Warenkorbes direkt durch die Regierungen der Länder der EWU administriert werden, wobei jedoch davon ausgegangen werden kann, dass eine wie auch immer geartete staatliche Regulierung dieser Leistungen in den meisten Ländern erfolgt. Außerdem ist die Liste nicht erschöpfend, da nicht alle Leistungen erfasst sind, welche direkt durch die Regierungen beeinflusst werden. So ist es z.B. nicht möglich, die Rundfunk- und Fernsehleistungen zu separieren, da diese in der breit gefassten VPI-EWU-Kategorie der kulturellen Leistungen untergeht. Um das Ausmaß der staatlich administrierten Preisänderungen auf die Inflationsdifferentiale in der EWU zu bestimmen, wird die MQA als Streuungsmaß herangezogen. In der Abb. 5 ist die Streuung der Inflationsraten innerhalb der EWU für den gesamten Warenkorb, für die staatlich administrierten Preise sowie für den gesamten Warenkorb abzüglich der staatlich administrierten Preise dargestellt. Es ist zu erkennen, dass die Streuung der nationalen Wachstumsraten staatlich administrierter Preise im Beobachtungszeitraum deutlich über der Streuung der Inflationsraten lag, welche mit Hilfe der Wachstumsraten der nationalen HVPI kalkuliert wurde. So beträgt die Summe der durchschnittlichen quadrierten Abweichungen für die Jahre 1997 bis 2002 für die administrierten Preise 120,3, für die Preise des gesamten Warenkorbes lediglich 58,0. Ein Vergleich dieser Zeitreihen mit der Streuung der Inflationsraten, welche auf der Basis der nationalen HVPI ohne staatlich administrierten Leistungen kalkuliert wurde, zeigt allerdings, dass der Einfluss der staatlichen Preisadministrierung auf die Inflationsdifferentiale in der EWU vor allem in den Jahren 1999 bis 2002 relativ gering war. Die Summe der durchschnittlichen quadrierten Abweichungen für den Warenkorb ohne staatlich administrierte Leistungen fällt für den kompletten Beobachtungszeitraum von 1997 bis 2002 mit 49,7 jedoch etwas niedriger aus als für den gesamten Warenkorb. Henrik Bernds, geboren am 27. Februar 1978 in Oberhausen, erwarb 1997 die allgemeine Hochschulreife am Gymnasium der Stadt Voerde (Niederrhein). Anschließend absolvierte er eine Ausbildung zum Bankkaufmann bei der Vereinsbank Duisburg eG (heute: Volksbank Rhein-Ruhr eG). 1999 begann er das Studium der Wirtschaftswissenschaften an der Universität Duisburg-Essen mit den Schwerpunkten 'Banken und Betriebliche Finanzwirtschaft' sowie 'Empirische Wirtschaftsforschung' und erlangte im Jahr 2005 ...

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country's socio-economic impact.

In relation to the topic, the formal absence of a legal text called the constitution of the European Union is noticeable. Simple logic dictates the conclusion that in absence of European constitution, there is no constitutional law of the European Union. However, the reality is much more complex than it seems. The United Kingdom, for example, does not have a written act called a constitution, but instead several constitutional contents whose sources are in laws, legal practice and so-called constitutional customs. Germany also formally does not have a constitution, but a Fundamental Law that pursue a constitutional role. The term is not apparently so important but the status of the text. The constitution is a set of norms that are supreme, stable and difficult to change. It accords competences to the state bodies and guarantee essential civil rights and freedoms. The relevant question in this case is the existence of constitution and constitutional law of the European Union, not in a formal, but in an essential sense. The European Union does not have the characteristics of a unitary, but could it be considering as a federal state? In political-legal theory, opinions appeared that such a thing is impossible for the following reasons. As an example of the emergence of a federal state, the history of the United States of America is cited. According to the constitution of 1878, the US received competences in foreign affairs, defense, monetary policy, as well as in the field of protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. The European Union rested on the process of federalization in the economic area. The treaties establishing the Community and the Union have merged the national markets of the member states into one. Originally the European Communities did not have powers in foreign affairs, defense, security and justice. Only in 1993, with the Maastricht Treaty, the newly created European Union get the possibility to take decisions in the aforementioned areas, but even then federal mechanisms were not applied. The rule was unanimous decisions of represents of member states government reassemble in the Council of EU. The state sovereignty was preserved. For the obvious lack of authority at the supranational level, the European Union cannot currently be considered as a classic federal state. However, it can be observed as a sort of federal community, which was originally intended to evolves into something more than that. In a historical sense, this situation in itself is not new. It also appeared in the 19th century with the so-called emerging federal states such as the United States of America, the Swiss Confederation, Germany, Canada or Australia. However, the European Union is a permanent political-legal structure that has certain attributes of a federal state. The notion of a federal community, allows to take into account the essential role of the member states in such system of integration. The federal community as a permanent entity, rests on the contractual relationship that defines the common goals of its members. The aforementioned goals in practice change the internal conditions in the member states, but also their global political status. Several indications point to the federal nature of the European Union. The use of the term Union is not harmless. The founding fathers of the US Constitution of 1878, called their new created federal state Union in order to mark the difference with the previously existing Confederacy. The inspires of the European Union in the constitutive treaty emphasize that its main goal is to constantly create closer ties between European nations. This sentence indirectly indicates a strong, integrative, federal dynamic. In its legal practice, the Court of Justice does not ignore the initial international nature of constitutive treaties, but points to the following. The treaties establishing the Communities and the European Union represent the basis of an independent, hierarchically organized legal order, the kind that states have. As the highest legal act and source of law, they have a constitutional function. The law of the European Union is directly integrated into the law order of the member states and has primacy in relation with the national law. The legislative acts of European derivative law (regulations, directives, decisions) cannot contradict the provisions of the founding treaties. Like the Supreme Court in a federal state, the Court of Justice of the European Union control the compliance of legislative acts with constitutive treaties. The same principle applies in the field of international relations. An international agreement concluded by the European Union or its member states must be in accordance with the provisions of the founding treaties. Their constitutionality is checked by the Court of Justice. The Lisbon Treaty gave the European Union another federal distinction. It recognizes to the European Union a possession of legal personality, which means a full legal capacity to conclude international agreements with other countries and international organizations. The division of competences between the federal state and its members is for many the essence of the federalist legal order. The parallel existence of two levels of government imposes the need to clearly demarcate the fields of action of one and other authorities. In 2009 the Treaty of Lisbon established a principled delimitation of European and national competences. This is another step in the direction of federal legal regulation. The existence of European citizenship gives to the European Union one more federal characteristics. European citizens acquire rights and obligations parallel to those related to national citizenship. Opponents of such a solution were those who believed that the Union represents only an international organization. The founding treaties assign competences to the institutions of the Union, as well as guarantee basic human rights and freedoms. The legislation of the European Union determines the functioning of the member states and in many areas directly or indirectly governs the life of their citizens. Treaties establishing the European Union have in practice a constitutional role and value.

The article examines the features of the institutional and legal mechanism of the Union in the field of security and defence from its founding under the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 to the current stage under the Lisbon Treaty in 2007. The legal characteristics of the EU institutions, that deals with the defence and security of Member States is provided. In particular, the activities of the European Council, the Council of the EU, the European Parliament, as well as the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy were analyzed. It is established that the institutional component of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy is characterized by the preservation of the sovereign powers of the Member States, as the development and decision-making at the highest level takes place through intergovernmental bodies of the Union. The powers of subsidiary bodies established by decisions of the EU Council are studied. The activities of the Political and Security Committee, the EU Military Committee, the EU Military Staff, the European Defence Agency, and the Committee on Civilian Aspects of Crisis Management are analyzed. In particular, the Political and Security Committee is the central executive body of the Union and a kind of "engine" of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Especially important is his work on crisis management and finding the most optimal solutions in this direction. The EU Military Committee is the highest military body of the European Union, which manages all military activities within the EU. The EU Staff is the Union's main military expert body, tasked with early warning, situation assessment and strategic planning in line with the European Security Strategy. The European Defence Agency is a center of cooperation in the field of defence policy between Member States, EU institutions and third countries. It is noted that the EU institutional mechanism in the field of security and defence is represented not only by purely military but also by civilian structures, among which the Committee on Civilian Aspects of Crisis Management is the key. It has been found that the above institutions have sole executive powers and are not empowered to make legally binding decisions for Member States. It is concluded that one of the trends in the development of the EU institutional mechanism in the XXI century is so-called military-civil synergy, which occurs through cooperation between military and civilian structures of the Union, whose activities are aimed at achieving systematic goals in security and defence issues. ; В статье исследованы особенности институционно-правового механизма Союза в сфере безопасности и обороны от его основания по Маастрихтскому договору 1992 г. до функционирования на современном этапе на основе Лиссабонского договора 2007 г. Проведена правовая характеристика статуса учреждений ЕС, деятельность которых связана с обеспечением безопасности и обороны государств-членов. В частности, проанализирована деятельность Европейского Совета, Совета ЕС, Европейского Парламента, а также Верховного представителя ЕС по иностранным делам и политике безопасности. Установлено, что институциональная составляющая Общей политики по вопросам безопасности и обороны характеризуется сохранением суверенных полномочий государств-членов, поскольку разработка и принятие решений на самом высоком уровне происходит через межправительственные органы Союза, действующие на основе общего согласия всех стран ЕС. Исследованы полномочия вспомогательных органов, основанных решениями Совета ЕС. В частности, проанализирована деятельность Комитета по вопросам политики и безопасности, Военного комитета ЕС, Военного штаба ЕС, Европейского оборонного агентства, Комитета по гражданским аспектам кризисного управления. Обращается внимание, что институциональный механизм ЕС в сфере безопасности и обороны представлен не только чисто военными, но и гражданскими структурами, среди которых ключевой является Комитет по гражданским аспектам кризисного управления. Выяснено, что вышеуказанные учреждения имеют исключительно исполнительные полномочия и не уполномочены принимать юридически обязывающих решений для государств-членов. Установлено, что одной из тенденций развития институционального механизма ЕС в XXI веке является так называемая военно-гражданская синергия, которая происходит путем кооперации военных и гражданских структур Союза, деятельность которых направлена на обеспечение системного достижения целей в области безопасности и обороны. ; У статті досліджено особливості інституційно-правового механізму Союзу у сфері безпеки і оборони від його заснування за Маастрихтським договором 1992 р. до функціонування на сучасному етапі на основі Лісабонського договору 2007 р. Надано правову характеристику статусу установ ЄС, діяльність яких пов'язана із забезпеченням безпеки і оборони держав-членів. Зокрема, проаналізовано діяльність Європейської Ради, Ради ЄС, Європейського Парламенту, а також Верховного представника ЄС із закордонних справ і політики безпеки. Встановлено, що інституційна складова Спільної безпекової і оборонної політики ЄС характеризується збереженням суверенних повноважень держав-членів, оскільки розробка і прийняття рішень на найвищому рівні відбувається через міжурядові органи Союзу, що діють на основі спільної згоди усіх країн ЄС. Досліджено повноваження допоміжних органів, заснованих рішеннями Ради ЄС. Проаналізовано діяльність Комітету із питань політики та безпеки, Військового комітету ЄС, Військового штабу ЄС, Європейської оборонної агенції, Комітету із цивільних аспектів кризового управління. Зокрема, Комітет із питань політики та безпеки є центральним виконавчим органом Союзу та своєрідним «двигуном» спільної закордонної та безпекової політики. Особливо важливою є його діяльність щодо керівництва кризовими ситуаціями та пошуку найбільш оптимальних рішень у цьому напрямку. Військовий комітет ЄС є вищим військовим органом Європейського Союзу, що здійснює керівництво усіма військовими заходами в рамках ЄС. Військовий штаб ЄС - це головна військова експертна структура Союзу, завданням якої є здійснення раннього попередження, оцінки ситуації та стратегічного планування відповідно до Європейської безпекової стратегії. Європейська оборонна агенція виступає центром співробітництва в сфері оборонної політики між державами-членами, інститутами ЄС та третіми країнами. Звертається увага, що інституційний механізм ЄС у сфері безпеки і оборони представлений не лише суто військовими, але й цивільними структурами, серед яких ключовою є Комітет із цивільних аспектів кризового управління. З'ясовано, що вищезазначені установи мають виключно виконавчі повноваження та не уповноважені ухвалювати юридично зобов'язуючих рішень для держав-членів. Встановлено, що однією із тенденцій розвитку інституційного механізму ЄС у ХХІ столітті є так звана військово-цивільна синергія, що відбувається шляхом кооперації військових та цивільних структур Союзу, діяльність яких спрямована на забезпечення системного досягнення цілей у сфері безпеки і оборони.

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사회과학대학 정치외교학부(정치학전공),2019. 8. 권형기 . ; In an effort to illuminate the way institutional changes are led by ideas and discursive politics in an open economy, this thesis examines how Brexit was developed by the ideas and discourses of international and domestic politics. Brexit cannot be understood by the existing theoretical frameworks that overlook the interactions of political actors and noneconomic factors. First, neither the class interests of comparative historicists nor the institutional interests of neoinstitutionalists could explain the recent Brexit decision. Although historicists and institutionalists consider the interests of political actors as predetermined and fixed, the British actors had gradually adjusted their understanding, interests, and preferences on foreign policy without class restructuring or external shocks. Second, an economic analysis of Brexit does not correspond to the actual decision of the actors. The UK decided to leave the EU even though the expected impacts of Brexit were pessimistic to its national economy. In addition to deficiencies in the existing theoretical frameworks, an inconsistency of foreign policy in the UK has challenged many comparativists. The current thesis defines a pattern of the UK–EU relationship as a stop-go one. Although during the postwar era the UK increasingly promoted the general trend against European integration, its foreign policy alternated between reluctant participation and breakaway. The key argument of this thesis is that Brexit was catalyzed by a discursive politics of ideas, not by a cost-benefit analysis of the predetermined interests of actors. The thesis suggests the concept of the Brexit Idea to capture a few of the thoughts and discourses proliferated during Brexit. In the face of socioeconomic challenges after the 2000s, European countries shared a discourse on the inequalities between nation-states and domestic coalitions. Through this inequality discourse, shared understandings of neonationalism, Euroscepticism, and deglobalization were formulated and constituted the Brexit Idea, which was conducive to the UK leaving the EU. Moreover, the concept of the Brexit Idea is analyzed by looking at internal and external fragility. Although the Brexit Idea made a strong demand on initiating related discourses and actual behaviors, it did not provide a dominant framework with which to interpret the problematic situations and interests of actors and was open to the political competition of actors. Brexit was finally chosen because the proleave group was more efficient in diffusing its interpretive framework on the Brexit Idea. ; 본 논문은 세계화 이후 아이디어 및 담론 정치가 제도 변화를 이끄는 양상에 집중하여 브렉시트의 원인과 전개 과정을 탐구한다. 브렉시트를 설명하는 기존 연구들은 행위자 간 상호작용을 간과하며 경제적 요소에 천착한다는 한계를 가진다. 대표적으로 비교역사주의 및 신제도주의는 행위자 간 상호작용에 의한 이익 변화 가능성을 고려하지 않음으로써 브렉시트를 적절하게 설명하지 못한다. 비교역사주의와 신제도주의는 행위자들의 이익이 계급 및 제도에 의해 선험적으로 규정되어 있다고 가정하였으나 실제 영국 행위자들은 계급의 재구조화 및 외적 충격 없이 점진적으로 대외정책에 대한 이해, 이익, 선호를 변화하여 유럽연합 탈퇴를 결정하였다. 브렉시트에 대한 경제적 손익분석 또한 실제 행위자들의 결정을 설명하지 못하는 한계가 있다. 브렉시트로 인해 영국 국민경제에 부정적 영향이 발생할 것으로 예상되었음에도 불구하고 국민투표를 통하여 유럽연합 탈퇴가 결정되었기 때문이다. 이에 본 논문은 브렉시트를 이해하기 위하여 세 가지 질문을 제기한다. 첫째, 유럽에 대한 영국 대외정책의 독특성은 무엇인가? 둘째, 아이디어와 국내외 담론이 영국의 유럽연합 탈퇴를 이끌었는가? 셋째, 행위자의 담론 상호작용 과정에서 아이디어의 특징에 기초한 동원이 어떻게 발생하였는가? 이상의 질문에 답하기 위하여 "브렉시트 아이디어 (the Brexit Idea)"의 형성, 확산 및 특징에 집중한다. 먼저 유럽에 대한 영국의 대외정책 양상을 "스탑 고 패턴(a stop-go pattern)"으로 정의한다. 전후 영국은 전반적으로 유럽 통합에 반대하는 움직임을 형성하는 가운데 유럽통합에의 마지못한 참여와 이로부터의 이탈을 반복하였다. 본 논문은 선험적으로 규정된 행위자 이익이 아니라 아이디어 및 행위자 간 국내외 담론정치에 의하여 브렉시트가 결정되었다고 주장한다. 2000년대 이후 유럽 국가들은 일련의 사회경제적 도전과 이에 대한 개별적, 협력적 대응을 반복하는 과정에서 국가 간, 국내 연합 간 불평등 담론을 공유하였다. 특히 2009년 남유럽 재정위기와 2015년 이민위기 이후 유럽연합 내 회원국 간의 주권 불평등 및 국내 연합 간 경제적 불평등이 두드러졌다. 유럽정치에서의 불평등담론은 회원국들로 하여금 세계화 및 신자유주의라는 메가 트렌드에 반하여 네오내셔널리즘 (neonationalism), 유럽연합회의주의 (Euroscepticism), 탈세계화 (Deglobalization)라는 이해를 공유하도록 하였으며 이는 영국의 유럽연합 탈퇴를 이끌었다. 나아가 본 논문은 아이디어의 "내적, 외적 허약성(internal and external fragility)"의 관점에서 브렉시트 아이디어를 분석한다. 브렉시트 아이디어는 외적 견고성으로 인하여 관련 담화와 행위의 발생을 필수불가결하게 만드는 동시에 내적 허약성으로 인하여 지배적인 이해의 틀을 제공하지는 못한다. 이로 인해 문제 상황과 행위자 이익의 이해가 개별 행위자 및 행위자 집단 간 국내 정치적 경쟁에 의하여 발생하였다. 그러므로 본 논문은 브렉시트 찬성 연합이 브렉시트 아이디어의 이해 틀을 확산하는 데 효과적이었기 때문에 브렉시트가 최종적으로 결정되었다고 보았다. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 Chapter 2. Debates on Insitutional Changes 13 2.1 Comparative Historicism 17 2.2 Neoinstitutionalism 21 2.3 International Political Theory 29 2.4 Research Hypothesis and Theoretical Framework 33 2.4.1 Research Hypothesis 33 2.4.2 A Theory of Endogenous Institutional Change and Ideational Approach 35 2.4.3 Formulation and Mobilization of Ideas 40 2.4.4 Institutionalization of Ideas by Solidity and Fragility 45 Chapter 3. History of the UK–EU Relationship: Patterns of Stop-Go 50 3.1 Beginning of the Long-term Hostility 52 3.1.1 Reluctantly Joining the EC (1957–1973) 52 3.1.2 After Entering the EC (1973–1980) 57 3.2 Deepening Euroscepticism 61 3.2.1 Compelling Hostility During the Thatcher Government (1979–1990) 61 3.2.2 Neither Yes nor No: Maastricht Treaty and EMU (1992–2007) 64 3.3 Referendum and Brexit in 2016 68 Chapter 4. Formation of the Brexit Idea 71 4.1 Recurring Socioeconomic Challenges and Responses 74 4.1.1 Economic Challenge: European Debt Crisis since 2009 74 4.1.2 Social Challenge: European Migrant Crisis in 2015 79 4.1.3 Development of Inequality Discourses 84 4.2 What is the Brexit Idea? 90 4.2.1 Constructing the Brexit Idea at three levels 92 4.2.2 Characters of the Brexit Idea: Its Solidity and Fragility 98 Chapter 5. Mobilization of the Brexit Idea 104 5.1 Britain Stronger in Europe vs. Vote Leave 105 5.2 Ideas and Institutional Changes 110 Chapter 6. Conclusion 113 Bibliography 116 Abstract in Korean 124 ; Master

Cuando en octubre de 2009 el Partido Socialista de Grecia ganó las elecciones anticipadas sabía que la situación que le iba a tocar enfrentar iba a ser muy compleja, pero seguramente no al extremo que llegó. Grecia se encuentra esta semana al borde del abismo, y no es claro que pueda dar marcha atrás. Vale la pena repasar brevemente los principales hechos que han llevado a la cuna de la democracia a la situación en que se encuentra, que no ha sido más que la aplicación de malas políticas económica, como en el caso de otros países que hemos analizado en Letras, de típico estilo keynesiano.Grecia comenzó a ser centro de atención hace algo menos de un año por tener un excesivo gasto público, un alto déficit fiscal y un elevado nivel de endeudamiento, pero el origen de sus problemas es anterior, y se debe a la aplicación de políticas keynesiansas. Keynes pensaba que cuando una economía estaba en recesión bastaba con que el Estado gastara lo que no estaban gastando los agentes privados para volver al pleno empleo. Desde su punto de vista, el gasto público es positivo porque se emplea a personas desocupadas, se realizan obras que de otra forma no existirían y se pone en movimiento una economía paralizada. A su vez la política fiscal debería tener un efecto multiplicador que vuelve a poner en movimiento a la economía.Pero las cosas no funcionan así, no se puede practicar la ingeniería social con los seres humanos o, en realidad, se puede intentar, pero termina mal. El Estado termina desviando recursos de los fines que voluntariamente le habrían asignado las personas y de esa forma se demora aún más la recuperación. Los planes de estímulos sólo estimulan las carreras de algunos políticos, no la economía. Peor aún, el alto costo que suelen tener, y que tuvieron en Grecia, explica la situación en que se encontraba a fines de 2009, cuando el déficit era el 12,7% del producto y la deuda pública 113,4% del producto. A partir de ese momento la situación no hizo más que empeorar. El círculo vicioso de aplicar ajustes fiscales que incluyen aumentos de impuestos en plena recesión que conducen a más recesión se volvió inevitable. El gobierno griego prometió a principios de 2010 que llevaría el déficit fiscal a 2% para 2013 y adopto medidas de "austeridad", mientras logró emitir nueva deuda que tuvo gran aceptación en los mercados. Pero los planes que incluyeron aumentos de impuestos y baja del gasto resultaron enormemente impopulares y comenzó, además, la protesta social, mientras la Unión Europea (UE) exigía el cumplimiento de los tratados de Maastricht, de los que Grecia tenía un desvío exorbitante.A lo largo de 2010 Grecia realizó numerosas emisiones de deuda, reformas fiscales, negociaciones con la UE y el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) para obtener más financiamiento, pero mientras tanto, las agencias rebajaban a ritmo vertiginoso la calificación de la deuda. En mayo se logró un acuerdo para obtener un préstamos que en 3 años significaban 110.000 millones de euros, pero el plan de ajuste fiscal consecuente para cumplir las metas fijadas llevó a la huelga general con muertos y heridos. El ajuste incluía el aumento de la edad de retiro a los 65 años y una disminución de las pensiones que llegaba en algunos casos a más del 25%.Los datos a mediados de 2010 no eran alentadores, la economía seguía en recesión, aumentaba el desempleo y el déficit de 2009 se supo que en realidad había sido de 15,4% del producto, aunque el déficit de 2010 se reducía. El año terminó con Grecia dependiendo de los aportes de la UE y del FMI para poder hacer frente al pago de su deuda.2011 no presentó novedades, se siguió emitiendo nueva deuda, pero a tasas cada vez más alta porque la calificación caía en picada. El gobierno anunció un plan de privatizaciones como fuente de recursos, pero las cifras de la economía seguían siendo muy malas; pese a los esfuerzos el déficit de 2010 fue de 10,5% del PIB y la deuda pública representaba 142,8% del PIB. Hacia junio debieron implementarse nuevos planes de ajuste fiscal, comienzan las privatizaciones y los organismos internacionales continúan aportando recursos, el círculo vicioso continuaba su marcha.Al momento de escribir estas líneas la situación sigue empeorando. Se conoció que en el segundo trimestre del año la contracción del producto fue de 7,3%, se despide a 20.000 trabajadores de empresas con capitales estatales y el gobierno anuncia que sólo podrá pagar sueldos y pensiones hasta octubre. Mientras tantos los mercados financieros mundiales y, en particular, la zona euro se sacuden de lunes negro en lunes negro ante la posibilidad cierta del default. ¿Qué pasará con Grecia? Lo sabremos en los próximos días, parece que es imposible seguir estirando la agonía por mucho más tiempo.Más allá de que hoy lo urgente es cómo salir de una situación con costos humanos y económicos altísimos, lo importante para los restantes países y también en el futuro para la propia Grecia, es la lección. El gobierno griego ha hecho lo que ha podido con márgenes de maniobra muy estrechos desde fines de 2009, el problema es haber llegado a esa situación. El caso griego –como el español o el norteamericano, aunque menos graves, de momento– es una nueva demostración de a dónde nos conducen las políticas keynesianas. Vivimos una situación absolutamente lamentable y dolorosa por errores humanos, por aplicar políticas equivocadas, por leer los libros incorrectos. Una vez más queda demostrado lo importante que es el debate de las ideas, y lo positiva o negativa que puede ser la prédica de los economistas. Llegó la hora de decirle a Stiglitz y Krugman que se tomen vacaciones.*Licenciado en Economía.Director Instituto Manuel OribeVice Presidente Fundación Libertad

ÖZETTürkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği macerası yıllardır sürmektedir. Bugün mü, yarın mı derken Avrupa Birliği üyeliği giderek uzayan bir konu gibi gözükmektedir. Yıllardır süren macera Türkiye'nin aday ülke olarak kabul edilmesiyle farklı bir boyut kazanmış, hiç olmayacakmış gibi gözüken, neredeyse umudun bittiği anda 'üyelik' yeniden gündeme gelmiştir. Lüksemburg Zirvesiyle Türkiye-AB ilişkileri kopma noktasına gelmiş, Helsinki zirvesiyle ilişkiler yeni bir boyut kazanmış, Türkiye'nin üyelik umutları artmıştır. Helsinki Zirvesi bu boyutuyla Türkiye açısından çok önemlidir. Türkiye'nin AB macerasında en önemli yapı taşlarından biri Helsinki Zirvesidir denilebilir. Türkiye'nin aday ülke olmasının AB üyesi ülkelerde yarattığı etki, bir yerde Türkiye'nin Avrupa nezdinde öneminide ortaya koymaktadır. Bu nedenle Avrupa medyasında Türkiye'yle ilgili haberler Türkiye'nin aday olmasının arkasındaki gerekçelerin bir nebze olsun anlaşılmasında faydalı olacaktır. Medyanın günümüz işlevlerini düşünürsek Helsinki Zirvesi öncesi ve sonrası Avrupa medyasının Türkiye'ye bakış açısı önem kazanmaktadır. Medya Türkiye'nin AB'ne aday olmasında birinci derecede etkilidir diye bir sav olamaz ancak medyanın Helsinki zirvesi öncesi ve sonrası yazdıkları, yayınladıkları zirveye etkisi olabilmiştir ama bu neticede belirleyici etki olmamıştır. Türkiye sonuç olarak Helsinki Zirvesiyle AB'ne aday olmuş ve üyelik süreci hızlanmıştır. Bu nedenle Helsinki zirvesinin önemi ve Avrupa medyasının zirveyle birlikte Türkiye'ye olan yaklaşımı bir medya çalışanı olarak ilgimi çekmiş ve bu konuda çalışma yapmaya teşvik etmiştir.ABSTRACTRepublic of Turkey was built in 1923 on a past of 700 years of relationship with Europe. The Ottoman Empire was almost the strongest country in the world .15.and 16.centuries were the centuries that the Ottoman Empire was the boss of the world. At these centuries Empire was at the most powerful point about army, economy and territory. Renaissance and Reforms were the turning points for the Europe. After that, the equilibrium in the world began to change.That equlibrium changed negatively for the Ottoman Empire.That equlibrium changed positively for Europe.Ottoman Empire could not realize the importance of Renaissance and Reforms. Because of this, Empire only watched the development of Europe and result of this, Empire could not develop itself and while Europe was developing itself, Ottoman Empire was becoming weaker day by day. It can be said that because of Renaissance and Reforms the power passed the Europe and basic of today's Europe was made up of at that time.Europe was developing itself and when the Ottoman Empire realized it, reformists moverments only tried to save the day.These were not long term movements. The reformists movements that were done by the Empire about army, economy and at other branches were depending on the reformists movements which the Europe had done. It can be said that Turkey's Europe adventure began with these movements. Administrative Reforms were first seen in 1839.The Reforms that were decleared at that time, were trying to make better the Empire's politic, economic life. And with these reforms social life was tried to be changed. It can be said that, that was the first step for the law government.That Reform was decleared at 3 November 1839 at Topkapı Palace. It was the turning point for the Ottoman Empire. It's aim was to renew old institutions and make more powerfull the authority of the center. These reforms helped to form new personnels for the formation of new military, judical, managerial system. Reforms included everybody's safe, justice. The most important aim of that was to prevent Europe's pressure on the Empire. Later in 1856 another reformist movement occured in the Empire. These reforms were completing the Reforms that were decleared in 1839. In 30 March 1856 Paris Agreement was signed.And the Reforms that were declared was one of the conditions of that Agreement. On the other hand the effect of foreign capital increased in the Empire and European countries gained more power about Empire's politic and economic life. It can be said that like other reforms which was made in 1839, also these Reforms could not become real in life. So it is clear that Reforms were not useful for Ottoman Empire. The Empire was taking the Reforms as an example which were done by Europe. But later on the Ottoman Empire began to do the things that Europe wanted from it to do. After first world war and after Turkish national war, with the formation of a new Republic, Turkey tried to take part in Europe. It became a national policy. The relation between Turkey and the Union began at 31 July 1959 with the application for being common partner member.But after 40 years of that application Turkey only could have a candidateship for the Union at the Helsinki Summit. The Helsimki Summit was very important for both sides and with the result of that Summit a new term began between Turkey and the Union. Nationalistic public opinion was only concerning with the result of that Summit. Genarally, the subjects that were discussed at the Summit took part at media according to the agenda of the Union countries. Turkey's candidateship almost took part in every press at the Union contries.Press of some countries gave more importance to Turkey's candidateship rather than other countries 's press. That was linked to their relations with Turkey. At this study, the approaches of media in the EU member states towards Turkey's candidateship before and after the Helsinki Summit will be written.Media is composed of radio, tv, and press. In this study press will be the basic point. Newspapers and magazines will be the source of the study. Radio and tv, other mass media will take less place rather than newspapers in this satudy. Important tv channels will be written which gave news about Turkey's candidateship. Basicly press of the Union countries that gave place to Turkey in their columns will be main source of this thesis. Turkey's being candidate was waited from the year 1959. With the Summit of Luxembourg in 1997, the Union made Turkey stay outside Europe and after that the relations between Turkey and the Union became very bad.The union turned back from it's wrong with the Helsinki Summit and Turkey was declared as a candidate country. Turkey's declearation of candidateship was an important development for the future of the country. That opened a new term between Turkey and the Union. The political and economic criteria ( called Copenhagen criteria ) that the Union wanted from Turkey became more important. Turkey had to give more importance to its relations with the EU. The momentum which gave rise to and which was generated by the Single European Act continued after its adoption. The Committee chaired by Jacques Delors on Economic and Monetary Union had presented a report in 1989 setting out a three-stage plan for reaching EMU. The European Council decided to hold an intergovernmental conference on the subject, and, significantly, to hold at the same time a second intergovernmental conference on political union. The relationship between the two intergovernmental conference's has been explained as,"The second intergovernmental Conference on Political Union did not have such a long gestation period: it was not indepently planned, but developed in response to the European Monetary Union decision. Key Community states thought it imperative to balance economic integration with political integration. An economically integrated Europe without a comparable political dimension seemed the antithesis of the Community ideal".On the basis of the intergovernmental conference negotiations, a draft Treaty was presented by the Luxembourg presidency of the European Council in 1991. After various revisions of this draft at the European Council meeting in December of that year, the Treaty on European Union was eventually agreed and signed in Maastricht in February 1992. (Corbett, 1993). After vigorous debates leading up to the ratification process in the various Member States, which revwaled a considerable amount of public disquiet and dissatisfaction with the Treaty and with the process of its negotiations, it was rejected by the Danish population in a national referandum. However, after several concessions were secured by the Danish Government and formalized in a decision of the Heads of State at the Edinburgh European Council in 1992, including the right not to participate in the third and final stage of European Monetary Union and not to take on the Presidency of the European Council when defence issues were involved, a second referendum yielded a narrow majority in favor of ratification. When the last obstacle-in the shape of a challenge before the German Federal Supreme Court to the Constitutionaly of ratification was cleared, the Treaty entered into force in November 1993.Undoubtetly, the popular profile of the Comunity has been raised more by the Maastricht debate than by any previous development in the Community's history, even though some would contend that the Single European Act, with its revival of qualified-majority voting, represented a more significant step for the Commınity in the process of integration. Perhaps, apart from the detailed commitment to full economic and monetary union, the most obvious feauture of the Treaty on European Union was the instituonal change it wrought, establishing a three-pillar structure for what was henceforth to be called the European Union, with the Communities as the first of these pillars. As noted above, the EEC Treaty was officially renamed the European Community Treaty. (Craig, p;27,1995) News of press reaches all of the world with the help of televisions. Satellite technology helped press to reach billions of people in the world. It can be said that technological development form of press is named "media" at the present time and it is very effective. Making up the public opinion, formation of agenda give the ability to press about effecting people and the politic life.At the present time the European Union developed itself verymuch and began to behave as "one" government. And its importance increased in the world. For Turkey it became more important to be the member of the Union.Helsinki Summit became very important for Turkey in 1999. It was almost the last chance for Turkey to be the member of the Union. and 2000 journalists worked during that Summit and with the help of technology they conveyed information about the Summit to billions of people. Before the Helsinki Summit,the public opinion in the countries of the Union was in favor of Turkey.It can be said that that public opinion could be effective on the policy of member governments about Turkey.This study includes generall approach of the press in the Union countries towards Turkey before and after the Helsinki Summit.The aim is to show the opinion of the member states towards Tutkey's candidateship.With that, it can be understood which countries really supported Turkey and which countries had to support Turkey.Countries generally behave according to the public opinion.Press is very active at the formation of public opinion.So the press of the Union countries might have a role about Turkey's candidateship.After the Helsinki Summit Turkish media gave more importance to the Union and almost everday there could be seen news about theUnion in the newspaper and televisions. At this study first of all, the background of the press is pointed out and with that developments of press in Europe exists.Historical background of communication,historical backgroun of the relations between Turkey and the Union.At this study newspapers will be the basic point. Newspapers which gave place to Turkey's candidateship at European countries are pointed out.The news that they gave about Turkey are shown at this study. Turkey's candidateship did not take place all of the newspapers in Europe.Lots of them gave place and amount of the news changed according to newspapers in the countries. At this study the aim was to reach important newspapers and magazines in Europe and in the United States that wrote something about Turkey's candidateship.In this study the news and articles that were written about Turkey's candidateship in newspapers and magazines are pointed out among the European and the United States press.The media of the EU countries were generally focused on Turkey's geopolitic importance and the importance of energy around Turkey. Ocalan's case was another subject that the press of the focused on. Some newspapers were writing positive things and some of them could write negative. Interest of the newspapers was different. It was changing from one to other one. Some of them were dealing with one specific subject about Turkey and others were dealing other subjects about Turkey. These subjects were generally about Ocalan's case importance of energy around Turkey and the importance of geopolitics of Turkey in the region. Press of Germany,Austria,Greece,Switzerland,France,England,Belgium,Fınland, Italy, Holland and the United States are included in this study. As it was written above newspapers and the magazines are important ones in their countries that were searched.And these are the countries that Turkey took place in their newspapers and magazines.

L'Europe sociale – mythe ou réalié?(L?Europe sociale -racines historiques, acteurs, modèle) Introduction (précisions terminologiques, racines historiques, contexte) II. Chronologie et jalons des initiatives d'une Europe sociale III. Changement de perspective IV. Le socle européen des droits sociaux IV. Chantiers actuels