Suchergebnisse

Visible in the extant and deep depredations that rural India is experiencing are forms of malevolence. As agendas to promote nature conservation and agricultural productivity gain ground, these iconize the tiger and the tube well and mask the extent to which both are sources of counter-conservation and counter-productivity. Generating cruel distortions in the life-worlds of rural, marginalized communities, these iconic interventions trigger a disassembling of customary practices and knowledge, a resignification of symbolic complexes, and adversarial human-nature relations. Even as the tiger and the tube well are promoted by government agencies and agri-businesses, they render already vulnerable citizens, small and marginal cultivators, Adivasis and children, into sacrificial subjects, denying them citizenship rights and the conditions for life. The resulting malevolence threatens the ecological sustainability, economic viability, citizens' safety, and overall well-being of India's marginalized majority. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

By isolating key variables and limiting their value, limiting case models portray processes that are empirically rare or nonexistent. Such models, however, have often been extremely useful in the analysis of events in the real world. The perfect competition model, borrowed from economics, has been useful in analysis of social behavior, but many social phenomena appear rather far removedfrom the limited assumptions of this model. This paper proposes two additional limiting case models-perfect benevolence and perfect malevolence-as alternative ideal descriptions. Insights from the three ideal models are then used to develop a more general model with less restrictive assumptions based on four variables: degree of monopoly, degree of explicitness, identification, and terms of exchange. Several empirical applications are discussed.

The history of South Africa's long walk to political freedom is dotted with Nigeria's undaunted commitment and involvement, propelled by Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy stance. This study therefore, demonstrates Nigeria's concern for Africa's political liberation, and in particular, presents Nigeria's commitment to South Africa's struggle for political freedom during the colonial years. It adopts the secondary method of data collection, and borrows from the conceptual framework and doctrinal provisions of reciprocity to weigh South Africa's attitude towards Nigeria's commitment to her (South Africa's) political emancipation. Passing Nigeria's involvement in South Africa's liberation struggle and South Africa's treatments of Nigeria through the critical lens of historical and theoretical analysis, this study makes a finding that Nigeria's magnanimity to South Africa is at variance with South Africa's response to Nigeria. The study recommends that Nigeria's relations with her African brothers, informed by her foreign policy of Afrocentrism, should reflect reciprocity. In sum, that in her foreign relations, Nigeria should treat as she is treated.

Political violence, while rare, continues to be a concern. Yet scholars have only recently begun testing the effects language might have on support for violence. This project examines whether different types of verbal political attacks—those related to personal- and public-level incivility—affect support for violence through perceptions of impoliteness and attributions of out-group malevolence. Two experiments conducted in the United States test the effects of political attacks in two contexts: Twitter and issue speeches. Across both studies, both types of attacks prompted perceptions of impoliteness and attributions of malevolence. In the speech context, both types of political attacks decreased support for violence through impoliteness perceptions, and personal-level incivility increased identification with violent likeminded protesters through malevolence attributions. Optimistically, attacks may make social norms salient to individuals, decreasing their support for other social norm violations, like violence. Less optimistically, attacks may increase identification with groups fighting back against the verbal attacker.

Awareness of impending climate catastrophe has greatly increased over the last 30 years. Increasing awareness, however, has not translated into decreasing but instead increasing greenhouse gas emissions. This paper aims to shed new light on this perplexing and ultimately destructive positive correlation. It does so by applying a new interpretation of Milgram&rsquo ; s Obedience to Authority &ldquo ; electric shock&rdquo ; experiments to the problem of climate catastrophe. This paper reveals that both the Obedience Studies and climate catastrophe share a crucial common denominator: both involve powerful figures utilising manipulative techniques of bureaucratic organisation to push and pull the functionary helpers below them into contributing to preconceived goal achievement. In both cases, for the functionary helpers to achieve the goals of the powerful, all must agree to contribute to the infliction of harm on a powerless group. Nearly all helpers choose to make their harmful contributions because they not only stand to personally benefit, they also suspect that&mdash ; with so many other links in the chain participating in goal achievement&mdash ; they can probably do so with total impunity. It is argued that this comparison may help to better understand the complex, self-reinforcing, yet ultimately destructive relationship shared between fossil fuel corporations, the ideological pursuit of economic growth, political impotence, rapacious consumer demand, and impending climate catastrophe.

In this study, we assess the extent to which attending a candidate rally was associated with distrust of democratic institutions, epistemic rigidity, attribution of malevolent intentions to the political outgroup, and acceptance of political violence. Surveys ( N = 251) were distributed at rallies the night before and day of the 2016 Iowa Caucuses. Results suggest that attendees of rallies for Bernie Sanders or Donald Trump were more likely to distrust democracy relative to attendees of a Hillary Clinton or Ted Cruz rally. Findings also suggest that mistrust of democracy was associated with greater attribution of malevolence and acceptance of political violence. Attending a Sanders or Trump rally was indirectly associated with attribution of malevolence and acceptance of political violence through democratic mistrust.

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Part One The birth of order from chaotophobia -- Part Two -- The phenomenology of chaos: A mythical overture -- 1 Displacement -- 2 Simultaneity -- 3 Discordance -- 4 Malevolence -- 5 Hilarity -- Notes -- Index.