Suchergebnisse

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

Disability of adaptation to the changing standards of social norms without social help and required support could turn into a false self-adaptation to the environment and conditions, i.e., adaptation to the deviational or even asocial form of behavior: vagabondage, begging, drug habit, alcoholism, prostitution, misdeeds, etc. The reason of the appearance of marginal groups is considered to be the change of the socio-economic system as well as the decrease of the life standard level due to the economic situation and also devaluation of traditional social norms and values. Prevention of marginalization as well as resocialization of marginals is considered to be a common problem for the state self-government institutions, non-government organizations and local communities. Analysis of characteristics of social, political, economic and psychological factors of the youth marginalization reveals that the effectiveness of the youth marginalization prevention and resocialization could depend on the efficiency of the application of means of resocialization and the coordinated activity of concrete means seeking to influence the young person's interests, needs, psycho-social development and behaviour. There are different approaches of specialists to prevention of marginaliziation and strategy of resocialization. Differences in approach are mechanically transferred to the pipeline legislation, policies and practical activities. The weakest of youth policy and prevention is the management. Exist the gap (distance) in the youth policy between the general and the specific (by reducing marginality) and its implementation and social practices, working with young people in local communities.

Disability of adaptation to the changing standards of social norms without social help and required support could turn into a false self-adaptation to the environment and conditions, i.e., adaptation to the deviational or even asocial form of behavior: vagabondage, begging, drug habit, alcoholism, prostitution, misdeeds, etc. The reason of the appearance of marginal groups is considered to be the change of the socio-economic system as well as the decrease of the life standard level due to the economic situation and also devaluation of traditional social norms and values. Prevention of marginalization as well as resocialization of marginals is considered to be a common problem for the state self-government institutions, non-government organizations and local communities. Analysis of characteristics of social, political, economic and psychological factors of the youth marginalization reveals that the effectiveness of the youth marginalization prevention and resocialization could depend on the efficiency of the application of means of resocialization and the coordinated activity of concrete means seeking to influence the young person's interests, needs, psycho-social development and behaviour. There are different approaches of specialists to prevention of marginaliziation and strategy of resocialization. Differences in approach are mechanically transferred to the pipeline legislation, policies and practical activities. The weakest of youth policy and prevention is the management. Exist the gap (distance) in the youth policy between the general and the specific (by reducing marginality) and its implementation and social practices, working with young people in local communities.

In Lithuania, the politics of history center on Lithuania's Soviet occupation and post-war resistance, while in Russia the focus is on the USSR's victory in WWII and the USSR's role in the liberation of Europe from fascism. I argue that the politics of history in Lithuania and Russia create mutually exclusive, institutionalized, bipolar historical structures, according to which justice for one nationality is presented as an injustice to another. This article draws on the analysis of the politics of history in Lithuania and Russia as well as my own ethnographic research in Vilnius, Kaunas and Klaipėda among Lithuanian Russian-speakers and Lithuanians in 2016–2017. I show how in Lithuania, the politics of history surrounding WWII commemorations create the political exclusion of Russian speakers, which is experienced and unmade by personal justice and reconciliation stories of Lithuanian Russian-speakers as well as Lithuanians. In the context of geopolitical insecurity, which intensified after the Russia-Ukraine conflict, bipolar historical structures gain increasing significance as political tools; they are an outcome of both Lithuania's and Russia's politics of history.

In Lithuania, the politics of history center on Lithuania's Soviet occupation and post-war resistance, while in Russia the focus is on the USSR's victory in WWII and the USSR's role in the liberation of Europe from fascism. I argue that the politics of history in Lithuania and Russia create mutually exclusive, institutionalized, bipolar historical structures, according to which justice for one nationality is presented as an injustice to another. This article draws on the analysis of the politics of history in Lithuania and Russia as well as my own ethnographic research in Vilnius, Kaunas and Klaipėda among Lithuanian Russian-speakers and Lithuanians in 2016–2017. I show how in Lithuania, the politics of history surrounding WWII commemorations create the political exclusion of Russian speakers, which is experienced and unmade by personal justice and reconciliation stories of Lithuanian Russian-speakers as well as Lithuanians. In the context of geopolitical insecurity, which intensified after the Russia-Ukraine conflict, bipolar historical structures gain increasing significance as political tools; they are an outcome of both Lithuania's and Russia's politics of history.

In Lithuania, the politics of history center on Lithuania's Soviet occupation and post-war resistance, while in Russia the focus is on the USSR's victory in WWII and the USSR's role in the liberation of Europe from fascism. I argue that the politics of history in Lithuania and Russia create mutually exclusive, institutionalized, bipolar historical structures, according to which justice for one nationality is presented as an injustice to another. This article draws on the analysis of the politics of history in Lithuania and Russia as well as my own ethnographic research in Vilnius, Kaunas and Klaipėda among Lithuanian Russian-speakers and Lithuanians in 2016–2017. I show how in Lithuania, the politics of history surrounding WWII commemorations create the political exclusion of Russian speakers, which is experienced and unmade by personal justice and reconciliation stories of Lithuanian Russian-speakers as well as Lithuanians. In the context of geopolitical insecurity, which intensified after the Russia-Ukraine conflict, bipolar historical structures gain increasing significance as political tools; they are an outcome of both Lithuania's and Russia's politics of history.

In Lithuania, the politics of history center on Lithuania's Soviet occupation and post-war resistance, while in Russia the focus is on the USSR's victory in WWII and the USSR's role in the liberation of Europe from fascism. I argue that the politics of history in Lithuania and Russia create mutually exclusive, institutionalized, bipolar historical structures, according to which justice for one nationality is presented as an injustice to another. This article draws on the analysis of the politics of history in Lithuania and Russia as well as my own ethnographic research in Vilnius, Kaunas and Klaipėda among Lithuanian Russian-speakers and Lithuanians in 2016–2017. I show how in Lithuania, the politics of history surrounding WWII commemorations create the political exclusion of Russian speakers, which is experienced and unmade by personal justice and reconciliation stories of Lithuanian Russian-speakers as well as Lithuanians. In the context of geopolitical insecurity, which intensified after the Russia-Ukraine conflict, bipolar historical structures gain increasing significance as political tools; they are an outcome of both Lithuania's and Russia's politics of history.

The article examines experiences of the elimination of alcohol related social harm in the neighbourhoods of Lithuanian cities and evaluates the impact of alcohol related social harm on the construction of social exclusion or marginalization. The article uses the social harm approach that enables to analyse risky alcohol consumption through the neighbourhood experiences of noise, litter, disrespect, abuse and other forms of social harm. Six focus groups and 33 semi-structured interviews with the inhabitants of different neighbourhoods were conducted in the biggest Lithuanian cities in 2012. The data allows us to identify predominant attitudes of neighbours facing social harm; they range from passive suffering to active search for institutional help. The analysis demonstrates that bars, nights clubs, legal and illegal alcohol selling places in the neighbourhood are the risk areas of social harm. Although public institutions attempt to reduce social harm upon citizens' requests, typically, their help is ineffective. Therefore, neighbours experience the loss of power and feel helpless. Ineffective attempts to reduce social harm generate marginalization and those who experience social harm are isolated. The central and local municipal authorities should take full responsibility for licensing alcohol outlets and providing legislation and tools for the elimination and prevention of social harm. In cases when bars, night clubs or other types of alcohol selling institutions throw drunk and violent persons out into the street and disassociate themselves from their customers' social harm, the balance of social responsibilities at micro, mezzo and macro levels should be discussed.

The article examines experiences of the elimination of alcohol related social harm in the neighbourhoods of Lithuanian cities and evaluates the impact of alcohol related social harm on the construction of social exclusion or marginalization. The article uses the social harm approach that enables to analyse risky alcohol consumption through the neighbourhood experiences of noise, litter, disrespect, abuse and other forms of social harm. Six focus groups and 33 semi-structured interviews with the inhabitants of different neighbourhoods were conducted in the biggest Lithuanian cities in 2012. The data allows us to identify predominant attitudes of neighbours facing social harm; they range from passive suffering to active search for institutional help. The analysis demonstrates that bars, nights clubs, legal and illegal alcohol selling places in the neighbourhood are the risk areas of social harm. Although public institutions attempt to reduce social harm upon citizens' requests, typically, their help is ineffective. Therefore, neighbours experience the loss of power and feel helpless. Ineffective attempts to reduce social harm generate marginalization and those who experience social harm are isolated. The central and local municipal authorities should take full responsibility for licensing alcohol outlets and providing legislation and tools for the elimination and prevention of social harm. In cases when bars, night clubs or other types of alcohol selling institutions throw drunk and violent persons out into the street and disassociate themselves from their customers' social harm, the balance of social responsibilities at micro, mezzo and macro levels should be discussed.

The article examines experiences of the elimination of alcohol related social harm in the neighbourhoods of Lithuanian cities and evaluates the impact of alcohol related social harm on the construction of social exclusion or marginalization. The article uses the social harm approach that enables to analyse risky alcohol consumption through the neighbourhood experiences of noise, litter, disrespect, abuse and other forms of social harm. Six focus groups and 33 semi-structured interviews with the inhabitants of different neighbourhoods were conducted in the biggest Lithuanian cities in 2012. The data allows us to identify predominant attitudes of neighbours facing social harm; they range from passive suffering to active search for institutional help. The analysis demonstrates that bars, nights clubs, legal and illegal alcohol selling places in the neighbourhood are the risk areas of social harm. Although public institutions attempt to reduce social harm upon citizens' requests, typically, their help is ineffective. Therefore, neighbours experience the loss of power and feel helpless. Ineffective attempts to reduce social harm generate marginalization and those who experience social harm are isolated. The central and local municipal authorities should take full responsibility for licensing alcohol outlets and providing legislation and tools for the elimination and prevention of social harm. In cases when bars, night clubs or other types of alcohol selling institutions throw drunk and violent persons out into the street and disassociate themselves from their customers' social harm, the balance of social responsibilities at micro, mezzo and macro levels should be discussed.

The paper analyzes Uzbek cultural adaptation process. The relevance of the work is based on the fact that the extent of migration processes in modern society and social change in the economic, political, social and cultural life of the country requires special attention to many-sided investigations of immigrants adaptation and integration. The propose of study is to reveal cultural adaptation of Uzbeks in Lithuania. The main goals are to examine theoretical cultural adaptation literature background on adaptation process and indices that may cause difficulties in adaptation; reveal adaptation strategies and investigate the factors and circumstances that predict adaptation; mark out Uzbekistan and Lithuania cultural differences; analyze cultural adaptation process of Uzbeks in Lithuania, adaptation factors and acculturation attitudes towards adaptation. This study hypothesized that Uzbeks in Lithuania tend to choose separation strategy due to large perceived cultural distance. Cultural distance is associated with strong cultural shock that can be overcome by gaining family ethnic community support. High education negatively related to separation and marginalization strategies choose. Methods of conducting a research were interview and questionnaire. An interview questionnaire to measure adaptation and adaptation attitudes was developed for the study, derived from the literature on cultural adaptation and culture shock. This research is based on the work of J.W. Berry, R.Y. Bourhis, Y. Kim, P. Adler. on general immigrant adaptation attitudes. It is conducted that cultural adaptation "honeymoon" stage is very short. Moreover, Uzbeks do not feel strong "culture shock" in Lithuania, because of unawareness of Lithuanian and Uzbekistan Cultural Differences; knowledge and interest in Lithuanian country before moving in; having been to Lithuania previously; having communication with the Lithuanian experience in Uzbekistan. The Results show that the general Uzbek adaptation attitude is one of integration, however, the strategies adopted and the attitudes preferred vary depending on the areas of acculturation considered. Immigrants moderately endorse separatism and weakly endorse assimilation and marginalization. The analysis of gender differences showed that women tend to choose integration strategy. Men prefer separation strategy. The main source of social support during adaptation is family and relatives in Lithuania. Furthermore, ethnic community is not considered to be a strong source of social support. Results indicate that successful adaptation and integration is facilitated by high Uzbeks education.

The paper analyzes Uzbek cultural adaptation process. The relevance of the work is based on the fact that the extent of migration processes in modern society and social change in the economic, political, social and cultural life of the country requires special attention to many-sided investigations of immigrants adaptation and integration. The propose of study is to reveal cultural adaptation of Uzbeks in Lithuania. The main goals are to examine theoretical cultural adaptation literature background on adaptation process and indices that may cause difficulties in adaptation; reveal adaptation strategies and investigate the factors and circumstances that predict adaptation; mark out Uzbekistan and Lithuania cultural differences; analyze cultural adaptation process of Uzbeks in Lithuania, adaptation factors and acculturation attitudes towards adaptation. This study hypothesized that Uzbeks in Lithuania tend to choose separation strategy due to large perceived cultural distance. Cultural distance is associated with strong cultural shock that can be overcome by gaining family ethnic community support. High education negatively related to separation and marginalization strategies choose. Methods of conducting a research were interview and questionnaire. An interview questionnaire to measure adaptation and adaptation attitudes was developed for the study, derived from the literature on cultural adaptation and culture shock. This research is based on the work of J.W. Berry, R.Y. Bourhis, Y. Kim, P. Adler. on general immigrant adaptation attitudes. It is conducted that cultural adaptation "honeymoon" stage is very short. Moreover, Uzbeks do not feel strong "culture shock" in Lithuania, because of unawareness of Lithuanian and Uzbekistan Cultural Differences; knowledge and interest in Lithuanian country before moving in; having been to Lithuania previously; having communication with the Lithuanian experience in Uzbekistan. The Results show that the general Uzbek adaptation attitude is one of integration, however, the strategies adopted and the attitudes preferred vary depending on the areas of acculturation considered. Immigrants moderately endorse separatism and weakly endorse assimilation and marginalization. The analysis of gender differences showed that women tend to choose integration strategy. Men prefer separation strategy. The main source of social support during adaptation is family and relatives in Lithuania. Furthermore, ethnic community is not considered to be a strong source of social support. Results indicate that successful adaptation and integration is facilitated by high Uzbeks education.

The influence of bar space on the construction of masculinity is analyzed in the thesis men and masculinity: the case of Šiauliai dormitory area bar. Bar is treated as free space, and phenomenon that covers the consumption of alcoholic beverages, men's social relations, practices and disciplines. Considering masculinity as performance, the thesis will seek to reveal how it constructs bar space, and how bar space establishes masculinity. The aim of work is to reveal how bar space constructs masculinity, and how masculinity constructs bar space through the consumption of alcohol, social and body practices. The thesis consists of three parts – theoretical, methodological, and the investigation is carried out. In the theoretical part the exploration of the work is discussed, and types of masculinity are enumerated. Moreover, the relation between masculinity and Michel Foucault's discourse, and biopower interpretations, and Judith Butler's distinguished performance is also discussed. The expression of masculinity in the framework of post-Soviet space is presented. The methodological part of the thesis presents the study field, and the place of the researcher in the study field. The encountered problems during the research are also distinguished. The third part of the work presents men's experiences, observations related with bar life, political and economic realities, masculinity, experiences, memories, and thoughts about the future. Following Foucault's conception of power, the research seeks to reveal how the disciplines presented in bar space constructs masculinity performances. The emphasis is also on the understanding of the types of masculinity that are constructed, and how this happens. Conclusions are made that men's reciprocal discourses, disciplinary practices that form hybrid masculinity construct specific bar space. The invisible power of supervision creates hybrid types of masculinity that covers subordination, hegemony and marginalization.